After the UN vote, the west must heed the lessons of Iraq | Rosemary Hollis

The Guardian World news: Islam - 22 November, 2015 - 00:03
Islamic State will not be conquered by air power alone, but by boots on the ground

The UN security council’s unanimous adoption of resolution 2249 signals a new level of international resolve to deal with the self-styled Islamic State. What it does not do, however, is offer a viable plan for what comes after it in Syria and Iraq.

The resolution calls for eradication of “the safe haven” established by Isis “over significant parts of Iraq and Syria”, which sounds like a clear military objective for the international and local forces ranged against Isis. And even though the resolution does not invoke chapter VII of the UN charter, which would give clear legal sanction to resort to force, its adoption will no doubt lead to more aerial attacks on the Isis base in Raqqa and other targets.

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Southwest Airlines criticized after incidents involving Middle Eastern passengers

The Guardian World news: Islam - 21 November, 2015 - 22:35

Philadelphia man says gate agent in Chicago asked him to step aside because another passenger was worried after hearing him speak Arabic

Southwest Airlines has become the subject of criticism over reports that it singled out Muslim or Middle Eastern passengers on two flights this week, after fellow fliers said they feared for their safety if those passengers were allowed to fly.

Related: 'Americans saved my life': former refugees from Iraq perplexed by US fears

Any airline that refuses passengers based on religion or ethnicity should be subject to national boycott. Start with @SouthwestAir.

Dear @SouthwestAir your decision to throw off non threatening Muslim passengers just to sooth someone else's racism was disgusting.

Wow. Not only did Southwest Airlines let its passengers kick off 6 others for being Muslim, it *defended* doing so:

Related: 'Beyond terrifying': Muslim Americans shocked by Trump and Carson quotes

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Who’s a waste of space, then?

Indigo Jo Blogs - 21 November, 2015 - 18:16

A letter to … My godson, with whom I’ve decided to sever ties | Life and style | The Guardian

When I used to read the print edition of the Guardian, the paper I’ve read for most of my adolescent and adult life, a pet hate of mine in the last few years was the wastage of space, particularly after it moved to the Berliner format. As a standard part of their ‘style’, there were almost whole columns of empty space and on one occasion, a four-page feature on Syria (early in the civil war) featured a headline that spanned the top half of two pages, along with a small picture and some empty space. I wrote to complain, because the cover price had just gone up and I was annoyed at having to pay extra for blank paper. The wastage would have meant that another whole feature had to be cut.

But actual features can be a waste of space too. Back in the days of Q-News, the Muslim youth magazine that ran through most of the 90s and early 2000s, I once wrote them a fairly constructive letter, I thought, and it was never published — but a foully-worded letter, calling the writers “vermin” and “sewar (sic) rats Wahabi/Salafi” was. In the Family section of today’s Guardian, there’s an anonymous letter from an uncle who says he has cut ties with his godson/nephew because he won’t communicate promptly or warmly enough after the author cut ties with his parents.

This is the second anonymous letter slagging off a child the paper has published in about a month. The first featured a mother, whose 10-year-old son had been rude when she told him to tidy his room, lecturing him on all she had done, including the difficult pregnancy and birth. I thought it a bit pointless to lecture a 10-year-old girl, let alone a boy, on their mother’s pregnancy sickness and labour pains (an adult, maybe), but I also thought that the aggression he displayed was the same as he had to deal with a lot of the time at school. There are a lot of adults who do not think a child, particularly a “difficult” one (i.e. one who disagrees or argues) deserves good manners or civility, and he will be meeting a lot of other children whose manners are poor. That will only get worse when he enters secondary school. (More: Looking for Blue Sky.)

In today’s letter, the uncle/godparent complains that the most his nephew has ever said to him is a brief text thanking him for Christmas and birthday money. The main source of his dislike is the boy’s father, who he says never forgave him for turning his back on his working-class background and going to college (“Actually, not just college, university”) rather than getting “a safe, comfortable job with a nice pension in the local council”. I presume these people are old enough to have been able to get such a job without a degree. As for the boy’s mother, “he found the perfect partner: she doesn’t think out of the box either”. The boy had an ambition to go to the same college and follow the same career as the uncle, but failed to get in, and the uncle texted and suggested they meet up. The boy did not reply for a week. The uncle was hurt, but reminded himself that his nephew was “just 17: stupid and selfish, just like every other teenager”. Then he offered help a second time:

You took 24 hours to text that you did not reply earlier because you had been “out all day”. How many times a year do you get a message from your estranged uncle? And this is how you respond? You showed no enthusiasm for my help, but your text had the same polite formality and cold-blooded insincerity that I always associate with your father. Then I realised that, for better or worse, you have, in fact, become another version of your father.

This man is an adult, and knows that 17-year-olds are often stupid and selfish (they are, actually, not all). He should also know that his 17-year-old nephew is still under his parents’ care and is probably more sensitive to their needs than he is to his uncle’s, when that uncle is estranged and does not see them. His parents have probably told him a thing or two about his uncle’s behaviour (which, of course, he was free not to mention in this letter), and no doubt he didn’t like what he heard and believed them, because he has no reason not to (maybe he got the impression that his uncle is a petty-minded, immature jerk, the impression I get from this letter). He is under their influence, and no doubt absorbed some of their personality traits. Until he has got a job and some space and a family of his own, that is only to be expected.

Perhaps, in a few years time, he might be able to agree to talk to you or meet his uncle. Perhaps he might have grown up a bit. But the uncle will have to as well, because he sounds like a quite unpleasant person from this letter. A lot of people think the teenager is well rid of him.

And why is the Guardian wasting space on such drivel written by adults who think and behave like children, or worse?

(Yes, I’ve got a piece on Paris in preparation. I’m busy these days.)

Possibly Related Posts:

'There is a massive paranoia': UK Muslims on life after Paris

The Guardian World news: Islam - 21 November, 2015 - 08:00

Despite having done ‘nothing wrong’, British Muslims who spoke to the Guardian are wary of a growing Islamophobia creeping into society

Omar Raza was walking near his home in Glasgow’s south side when he was confronted by three men hurling racist abuse, calling him a “fucking Paki” and accusing him of funding Islamic State.

“It was three against one, so I tried to defuse the situation and walk past them. But I was suddenly attacked from behind and put in a head lock.” Raza was kicked to the ground and the bag he was carrying upturned and its contents strewn across the pavement, before his attackers ran off.

Related: 'The media have failed us': British Muslims on coverage of the Paris attacks

They forget that you’re a Muslim when they post things that are quite Islamophobic

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Clive James: ‘Poets in the free countries don’t get famous. Poets in the unfree countries might wish to be less famous than they are’

The Guardian World news: Islam - 21 November, 2015 - 06:00

All real poets start off by being fascinated by the sound of words. Do they all write something but mean something else?

My granddaughter has renamed her gerbils. They are now called Joey and Chandler, after the two chaps in Friends, of which she owns a box set. The gerbils live in a dirt-floored box known as a gerbilarium: a word she likes. Not long ago, one of the gerbils disappeared into the dirt. Pregnancy was suspected. I warned her that gerbils have lots of babies and that there was a threat of gerbilisation. There would be all kinds of gerbils. Verbal gerbils: good at words. Herbal gerbils: averse to nicotine.

I didn’t tell her about the fanatical rightwing Goebbels gerbils: too grown-up an idea for her, although Friends, when you think about it, is pretty grown-up, too. Just as she was readying herself for the onset of gerbilisation, it turned out both the gerbils were definitely male. Hence their new names.

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Donald Trump distances himself from endorsement of tracking Muslims in US

The Guardian World news: Islam - 20 November, 2015 - 21:08
  • Republican frontrunner: ‘I didn’t suggest a database – a report did’
  • Previously Trump said he would ‘absolutely’ implement database system

Republican frontrunner Donald Trump has sought to distance himself from comments in which he said that as president he would “absolutely” implement a tracking system that would require Muslims in the US to register with a federal database.

On Friday, Trump said on Twitter that he “didn’t suggest a database – a reporter did” after he had expressed full support for a system that tracks Muslims in the United States during a conversation with that reporter on Thursday.

I didn't suggest a database-a reporter did. We must defeat Islamic terrorism & have surveillance, including a watch list, to protect America

Related: Trump won't rule out special ID for Muslim Americans noting their religion

This is shocking rhetoric. It should be denounced by all seeking to lead this country. -H

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Trump Wants ID Badges for Muslims But He’s Behind the Times

Muslim Matters - 20 November, 2015 - 20:48

Over the past few days, many have expressed alarm about Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump's remarks saying he would “absolutely” consider special ID registration for Muslims. But what seems to have been missed in the controversy is the fact that such a registration system already exists in quite a robust form.

The fact of the matter is the federal government already has many well-established programs that profile Muslims. Everything from the TSA's secret No Fly List to the NYPD's controversial Muslim Surveillance program consist of registries of Muslim individuals the government deems necessary to catalog and monitor. Often the Muslims being tracked in these registries have no suspected link to terrorism or any other illegal activity.

Since 2002, for example, the NYPD's Muslim Surveillance program had a broad mandate to monitor Muslim community leaders, Muslim students, mosque attendees, even Muslim business owners. A large database was created to store all the information gathered on Muslims, including daily reports on certain innocent individuals. All this surveillance was deemed necessary by the NYPD because they believed that Muslims, by virtue of their religious beliefs, are more prone to become “radicalized” and, hence, engage in terrorism. (Of course, in reality, only a small percentage of domestic terror attacks are perpetrated by Muslims, and even those attacks stemmed from political motivations more than religious belief.)

The NYPD Muslim surveillance program is one example, but its underlying logic is shared by many other federal agencies. Through Edward Snowden's whistleblowing, it has been revealed that the NSA has multiple programs that specifically target Muslims for continuous monitoring. One program that was active between 2002 and 2008 monitored the email activity of thousands of American Muslims, some of whom were Muslim leaders, prominent Muslim attorneys, and overall upstanding US citizens. Another program gathered data on the internet browsing activity of Muslims in an attempt to harm the reputation of Muslim “radicals” who view sexually explicit material online.

We should also not overlook the fact that the NSA has been bulk data collecting the internet activity, telephone communications, social media behavior, etc., of hundreds of millions of individuals worldwide. All that data has been stored in searchable databases. This means that if an elected president or any other government body decides to mass register and track Muslims or any other minority or target group, they can do so at the flip of a switch. The data already exists in their databases, so it then becomes a trivial matter to filter all that data in order to focus on any particular group. That is the danger of mass surveillance and data collection. It is one small step away from becoming the kind of secret registry so many Americans associate with the Nazi program against European Jews.

Other federal programs that are alleged to profile American Muslims include the Department of Homeland Security's Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) initiative. The ACLU and many Muslim groups believe that CVE unjustly profiles the American Muslim community and Muslim places of worship in its attempt to counter “homegrown radicalization.”

The infamous FBI informant and entrapment program, that many, including Rolling Stone, have described as “inventing terrorists,” also relies on profiling Muslim community members and infiltrating mosques that otherwise are not suspected of any wrongdoing, let alone radicalization.

In the final analysis, many today may be shocked and justifiably scared by Trump's suggestion to profile and register Muslims. But the reality is, this kind of tracking and monitoring of American Muslims has been happening since 2001, mostly in secret, by numerous powerful federal agencies. Sure, no one has thus far required Muslims to carry special ID badges, but a physical badge is not strictly essential to the purpose of keeping second-class citizens under the thumb of draconian governmental authority. If Trump wants to a special registry for Muslims, he is fourteen years too late.

Israeli Spin in The NY Times: The Annals of Absurdity

Five men died in Israel and the West Bank yesterday, the victims of shooting and stabbing attacks by Palestinians. The assaults took place in Tel Aviv and in the Etzion illegal settlement bloc, and their deaths, according to The New York Times, marked “the deadliest day in the recent wave of violence.”

Deadliest day? For Israelis, yes, but not for Palestinians. As the Times has reported, Israeli soldiers shot and killed six young men in Gaza during demonstrations at the border fence on Oct. 9. Days later, on Oct. 20, five more Palestinians died at the hands of Israeli troops within the span of 12 hours (in this case, the newspaper remained silent and made no effort to report their deaths).

Nevertheless, Isabel Kershner in the Times today insists that the five deaths (one involving a Palestinian working in Israel and one involving an American visitor) are the high point in violence since a wave of lone wolf attacks against Israelis broke out at the beginning of October.

Nothing could provide more certain evidence of the Israeli bias in the Times. Palestinian deaths do not register on their tally of casualties; violence refers only to Palestinian aggression.

Kershner’s story acknowledges that some 90 Palestinians have died since the beginning of October, compared with 16 Israelis, but in explaining this discrepancy she manages once again to blame the victims. The Palestinians died, she says, while attacking or attempting to attack Israelis or “in clashes with Israeli security forces.”

Nothing is said of those who died in what human rights groups call apparent extrajudicial executions: the youth shot as he tried to extract his identity card from his pocket, the young woman killed as she stood with her hands over her head. It seems the Times wants us to believe the often dubious claims of Israeli forces responsible for Palestinian deaths.

Today’s story lists all of the victims by name and gives a detailed account of one of them, an American teenager who had “distributed food and candy to Israeli soldiers” the day he was killed. The Oct. 9 story about the deaths in Gaza gives the name of not a single Palestinian.

Kershner, however, has provided us with some context here, and the result is bizarre. She manages to link the five deaths to a long-awaited agreement between Israel and the Palestinian Authority “granting Palestinian cellphone carriers 3G high-speed cellular services in the West Bank.”

The attacks came “hours after” this agreement, she writes, and she goes on to imply that Palestinians should have taken this contract as something of a white flag, a sign that a truce is in effect.

“The move,” Kershner states, “intended to bolster economic development, had indicated a possible effect, or desire, to return to calm after weeks of violence.” She then quotes an Israeli minister who claims, “We always agree to confidence-building measures with the Palestinians to help with their economy.”

It is difficult to reconcile this assertion of goodwill with the fact that Palestinian cellphone carriers have been requesting the right to use 3G services since 2006 and only at this point has Israel agreed to allow this now outdated technology. Yet Kershner reports it without a hint of irony.

Readers are to take from this that the Palestinians have no right to protest, let alone to resort to violence. Israel, Kershner is saying, has their well-being at heart.

Missing, as usual, is the context of the brutal occupation, the ever-tightening pressure of settlement building that robs Palestinians of land, water, basic livelihoods and the right to move freely. Missing also are the arrests and abuse of young Palestinians, some as young as 6, and the heavy use of administrative detention, which denies detainees the right to a defense or even to know the charges against them.

If Kershner wanted to peg her story to recent developments, she could have mentioned the crackdown on the northern branch of the Islamic Movement in Israel; the slap on the wrist meted out to the police officer who brutally beat an American Palestinian teenager last year; or the collective punishment of home demolitions, which can leave a wide trail of devastation beyond the stated targets.

Instead, readers are told that Israeli “goodwill” has been spurned by ungrateful Palestinians and that Israelis alone are the victims of violence. Thus, the Times and Kershner give dominance to Israel spin even as their efforts turn the news into an exercise in distortion and absurdity.

Barbara Erickson

[To subscribe to TimesWarp, scroll to the bottom of this page for email, follow @TimesWarp on Twitter or like Times Warp on Facebook.]


Filed under: Israeli Spin in New York Times Tagged: Intifada, Israel, Media Bias, New York Times, Palestine

'Beyond terrifying': Muslim Americans shocked by Trump and Carson quotes

The Guardian World news: Islam - 20 November, 2015 - 19:06

Leaders fear worsening ‘climate of hostility’ as conservative candidates call for database to track Muslims and equate Syrian refugees to ‘rabid dogs’

Prominent Muslim Americans have reacted with anger and dismay to the incendiary remarks of Donald Trump, the leading Republican candidate in the 2016 presidential race who called for a database of all Muslims in the country to be set up, in order to track their movements.

Related: Muslim databases and 'rabid dogs': Trump, Carson and GOP in explosion of rhetoric over Syrians

Related: Michigan town said to have first majority Muslim city council in US

Related: For a teen aspiring to be president, being Muslim is a hurdle in post-9/11 America

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Islamophobia is an American Tradition

Loon Watch - 20 November, 2015 - 18:51


Moro Crater Massacre Victims

Article originally appeared on the History News Network website.

By Karine Walther

When Republic presidential candidate Ben Carson made news recently by questioning whether a Muslim American could (or should) ever become president of the United States, his assertions recalled similar concerns raised by a political supporter of John McCain’s presidency at a rally seven years earlier. “I can’t trust Obama,” Gayle Quinnell told McCain, “I’ve read about him…and he’s an Arab.” Whether she meant Arab or Muslim, two identities often conflated in American understandings of Muslims, her fears revealed deeper concerns by some segments of the American public about the loyalty of Muslim Americans to the United States. McCain’s response was equally revealing. He did not challenge the idea that Arab Americans or Muslim Americans could and should be trusted to occupy the highest office of the land, but instead, he defended Obama against the “accusation” of being Arab. Obama was not an Arab, he responded, “he’s a decent family man, citizen” as if being an Arab or Muslim American prohibited decency or ties to family – or even American citizenship.

As Carson’s more recent statements have revealed, public expressions of hostility and distrust towards Muslim Americans have only become more prominent and normalized in American public discourse. This rise in public expressions of Islamophobia have undoubtedly been fueled by American governmental policies of targeted surveillance of American Muslim communities that emerged after 9/11 and have resulted in dire repercussions that move beyond just public discourse, including a dramatic rise in discrimination and hate crimes against people perceived to be Muslim or Arab.

But it would be a mistake to assume that such sentiments are a recent phenomenon that emerged only after 9/11. Islamophobia has a long history in the United States that can be traced back as early as the colonial era when European settlers carried their antagonism to the Islamic faith with them to the New World.  Debates over the ratification of the U.S. Constitution included discussions over whether Muslims and other non-Protestants should ever be able to assume political office. Indeed, as scholars have demonstrated, anti-Federalists used the specter of a Muslim, Catholic or Jewish-American becoming president to unsuccessfully argue for religious tests in the U.S. Constitution.  Despite failing on the national level, religious tests banning non-Protestants from occupying political offices were integrated into several state constitutions. In this regard, American Islamophobia must also be understood alongside historical expressions of anti-Semitism, anti-Mormonism and anti-Catholicism. Of course, over the course of American history, fears of disloyalty have also extended to other minorities deemed potential fifth columns in American society. The internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, the majority of whom were American citizens, is only one of the most telling examples.

But throughout American history, Islamophobia extended beyond just the domestic sphere.  In the nineteenth century, many Christian Americans saw themselves as a crucial leader of global Christendom. Fueled by the religious fervor of the Second Great Awakening, Christian activists saw it as their divine role to spread Christianity to the “heathens” of the world. When it came to the Islamic world, they portrayed the “Christian world” in a global battle of “cross against crescent.” Such feelings would rise to the fore when Americans witnessed revolutionary movements by Ottoman Christian subjects against Ottoman Muslim rulers. American support for revolutionary insurrections in Greece in 1821, Crete in 1866, and Bulgaria in 1876 drew the attention of thousands of Americans who rallied to their cause, based in part on their belief that such battles were part of this alleged global battle between Christianity and Islam. At these moments, Americans maintained that Muslims’ alleged religious fanaticism, political and religious decadence, and intolerance for other religions made their rule over Christian subjects, and to a lesser extent, Jewish subjects, an imperial, political and moral anomaly.  Such beliefs also pushed American to actively support the extension of European empire to lands ruled by Muslims, including the Ottoman Empire and Morocco.

Although it would be a mistake to trace an unbroken trajectory from the nineteenth century to the post–Cold War period and, more importantly, to the post-9/11 era, it would be equally erroneous to discount the ways in which hostility towards Islam and Muslims has persisted, albeit in varied forms. Indeed, American Islamophobia never fully vanished; it reappeared with force during the ideological and foreign policy vacuum that emerged after the Cold War. Whereas some political scientists advanced the notion that the end of the Cold War had brought about the“end of history” and the ideological victory of liberal, secular democracies, the late Samuel Huntington theorized an alternative vision of the world in his 1993 essay, “The Clash of Civilizations,” which he later expanded into a full-length book. According to Huntington, a simplistically defined “Islamic Civilization” would play a central role in a global “clash” against an equally simplistic construction of the “West,” broadly understood as Euro-American civilization. His theory resonated with many Americans not because it was accurate but because this particular kind of discourse has a long history of shaping how Americans identified itself against the Islamic world.

Huntington’s arguments appeared particularly prophetic after the events of 9/11. As President Bush noted days after the 9/11 attacks, “the American people are beginning to understand. This crusade, this war on terrorism is going to take a while.” Less than a decade after the publication of Huntington’s influential article, the Bush administration’s “Global War on Terror” borrowed heavily from such theories to explain its emerging ideological conceptualizations.

Simplistic understandings of Islam and Muslims would help drive the actions of American policymakers and military officers during post-9/11 engagements in the Middle East. During and after the 2003 war in Iraq, military rulers and policymakers at the highest levels relied on the book, The Arab Mind, a widely discredited study by Raphael Patai originally published in 1983. The book purported to explain the shared (and identical) “mentality” of Arabs in the diverse areas of the world, noting that people in the West did not realize how much Arabs hated them. Patai’s book helped convince neoconservative policymakers in Washington “that Arabs only understand force.” The book became “required reading” for many soldiers and officers on their way to Iraq.As a journalist for the New York Times noted in 2003, such beliefs were publicly expressed by American military officers: “‘You have to understand the Arab mind,’ Captain Todd Brown, a company commander with the Fourth Infantry Division, said as he stood outside the gates of Abu Hishma. ‘The only thing they understand is force—force, pride and saving face.’”

The repercussions of such dehumanizing beliefs about Muslims on American policies at home and abroad appear obvious, particularly after the release in December 2014 of the Senate Intelligence Committee’s report on the use of torture by American CIA agents between 2001 and 2006. Such policies reveal a continued and unfortunate practice of simplifying the identities of peoples around the world who happen to be Arab or Muslim, often with brutal consequences. As these most recent examples demonstrate, American Islamophobia remains a powerful force in shaping domestic and foreign policies that impact the lives of Muslims in the United States and abroad. Far from a recent phenomenon, however, such attitudes are deeply grounded in American history.

Karine Walther is an Assistant Professor of History at the Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar.  Her book, Sacred Interests: The United States and the Islamic World, 1821-1921 traces the impact of American Islamophobia on American foreign relations in the long nineteenth century. 

‘I will bomb your f*cking location’: Muslims face violent threats as Trump urges ban on mosques

Loon Watch - 20 November, 2015 - 17:44


By Travis Gettys, RawStory

Republican frontrunner Donald Trump helped fan the flames of anti-Muslim sentiment in the wake of last week’s deadly terrorist attacks in Paris.

Trump renewed his call Monday morning to shut down mosques or at least place them under surveillance.

“You’re going to have to watch and study the mosques, because a lot of talk is going on at the mosques,” Trump said on MSNBC’s “Morning Joe,” less than a month after telling Fox Business that “absolutely” shut down U.S. mosques to defeat Islamic State militants.

“From what I heard in the old days, meaning a while ago, we had great surveillance going on in and around mosques in New York City, and I understand our mayor totally cut that out, he totally cut it out,” Trump added, apparently referring to New York’s controversial racial and religious profiling investigation — which was discontinued after it resulted in zero arrests or leads.

Police are investigating several threats made over the weekend against Muslim houses of worship.

A caller left a threatening voice mail message that referred to the massacre about 7 p.m. Friday at the Islamic Society of St. Petersburg, Florida — which canceled Sunday school over safety concerns.

“This act in France is the last straw,” the caller warned. “You’re going to f*cking die.”

“I personally have a militia that’s going to come down to your Islamic Society of Pinellas County and firebomb you, shoot whoever’s there on sight in the head,” the caller added. “I don’t care if they’re f*cking 2 years old or 100.”

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Donald Trump: we need to track all Muslims in America – video

The Guardian World news: Islam - 20 November, 2015 - 16:10

The Republican presidential frontrunner said that if elected president, he would implement a system to track Muslims in the country. Trump even suggested further steps to ensure US security: ‘There should be a lot of systems, beyond databases,’ he told NBC, saying such policies would help America to crack down on illegal immigrants. Asked how he would implement such a system, Trump replied: ‘Good management’

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Police Scotland confirm spike in hate crime after Paris attacks

The Guardian World news: Islam - 20 November, 2015 - 14:41

Muslim community leaders warn of ‘fierce backlash’ as police receive 64 reports of racially or religiously motivated crimes

Police Scotland has confirmed a significant spike in hate crime since last Friday’s terrorist attacks in Paris, as Muslim community leaders warn of a “fierce backlash”.

Iain Livingstone, deputy chief constable, said there had been 64 reports of racially or religiously motivated crimes across Scotland, including online and offline abuse.

Related: The fight against Islamophobia is going backwards | Matthew Goodwin

Related: Hate crimes against Muslims soar in London

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Three Britons fight extradition on terror charges

The Guardian World news: Islam - 20 November, 2015 - 14:33

Isis-related group sought to set up caliphate in Iraqi Kurdistan and establish cells in Europe to wage jihad, says prosecutor

Three men alleged to be key members of an Isis-affiliated terror group that plotted to execute attacks across Europe and kidnap diplomats are fighting extradition from Britain.

Bakr Hamad, Zana Rahim and Awat Hamasalih held senior positions in Rawti Shax, a “transnational, radical and fundamentalist group” whose purpose was to carry out violent acts in the west, it is claimed.

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'The media have failed us': British Muslims on coverage of the Paris attacks

The Guardian World news: Islam - 20 November, 2015 - 13:33

One week after Isis-affiliated jihadi killed 129 people in coordinated attacks, British Muslims tell us how their lives have changed

Islamic leaders and the Muslim population have been quick to show solidarity with France and condemn last Friday’s terror attacks.

On social media, people used the hashtags #IamMuslim and #PrayforParis in a show of unity. But what effect have the attacks had on Muslims and do they feel public sentiment towards them has changed?

Being ostracised for being a Muslim isn’t great. It makes me feel impure, vulnerable and worst of all, a victim

We were born and bred in this country and now fear a simple walk to the shop

I'm the 9/11 generation … now is the first time I’m worried to travel on public transport

Related: It’s time the media treated Muslims fairly | Miqdaad Versi

We shouldn’t change because of how other people perceive us – and we shouldn’t have to

I try to avoid sitting by myself in empty train carriages to avoid being harassed or targeted

I wish people would just put humanity before anything else​. We need to teach the ignorant how it’s meant to be

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