Aggregator
New strain, more strain, as polio reemerges
Basement blindness and a foreboding realized
Thoughts On Voting As Muslims In The Upcoming US Elections I Sh. Furhan Zubairi
I penned this short piece four years ago around the last US elections. In light of the general political landscape and atmosphere, I feel the message is even more important this time around. It is unconscionable for us as Muslims to vote for Harris or Trump and the parties they represent. Both candidates and their parties are complicit in the genocide and ethnic cleansing of our brothers and sisters in Palestine.
I genuinely believe that we as minorities living in America cannot influence foreign policy in any meaningful way. This is my opinion and anyone is free to disagree with it, but our foreign policy is dictated and shaped by the military-industrial complex, Western imperialism, Western hegemony, powerful interest groups, multi-national corporations, and a Western liberal paradigm that seeks to impose its values on the Muslim world. I personally am apathetic toward national politics.
As conscious Muslims living in America our political involvement should be focused where we can actually make an impact. We should find a way to participate in politics, especially locally, that will bring about real and tangible social change fighting against poverty, discrimination, homelessness, food insecurity, drugs, and alcohol, demonstrating our morals and values.
This post may upset certain people and some of you may “cancel” me because of what I write here, but this is how I personally feel about participating in the upcoming elections.
Republican or Democrat?Over the past 20 years, within the Muslim American community we have witnessed a number of shifts in the way people view certain ideas, concepts, values, morals, ethics, and accepted religious tenets and practices. One of those shifts has been our attitude toward politics and political participation in the two-party system, particularly in the Presidential elections.
Going through high school in the late 90s and college in the early 2000s I don’t remember there being a concerted effort to get Muslims to participate in presidential elections from religious leaders and institutions. I remember that most Muslims who were involved in politics viewed themselves as being more closely aligned with the Republicans because of certain perceived shared values. That is why there was a call for Muslims to support the party and vote for Bush Jr. However, as a result of his hawkish policies and administration, starting two unjustified wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the war on terror, and a host of other detrimental domestic and foreign policies, those who supported the party and him realized they made the wrong choice. Now with Trump as the face of the party, the Republicans seem to be anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim. It appears to be absurd for a Muslim to be Republican because of their anti-Muslim bias.
Those who still championed political participation on the national level shifted to the left and started aligning themselves with the Democrats. In the past three presidential elections, most Muslims voted Democrat and will most likely do so this November. With time this relationship has grown so strong and deep that now it seems like the only option for Muslims is to align with the Democrats and wholeheartedly embrace their platform. I understand the appeal because of their calls for civil and minority rights, multiculturalism, and other domestic policies, and how they are seemingly more accepting of Muslims. However, when we dig deeper we will find that they will never be truly accepting of our Islamic values. As a matter of fact, a lot of their domestic policies and values are in complete contradiction to the Divine Guidance we find in the Quran and Sunnah. I feel that it is absurd for Muslims to be Democrats because of their progressive values that are antithetical to the teachings of our faith. Community FirstTo be as simple and straightforward as possible, I don’t think we belong in either of the two parties. I believe it’s time for us as a community to come together and build a grounded, robust, and nuanced framework for participating in politics that allows us to stick to our religious principles and values. Someone (I don’t remember who) shared earlier that as Muslims we should stay out of party politics and focus on specific policy issues. Sr. Nuriddeen Knight from the By the Fig and Olive blog said it beautifully: “No political party deserves our loyalty; When they work in our best interests we support them. When they don’t, we don’t. It’s that simple.” Developing this framework should be a joint effort between scholars, activists, community organizers, and political scientists. We should find a way to participate in politics, especially locally, that will bring about real and tangible social change fighting against poverty, discrimination, homelessness, food insecurity, drugs, and alcohol; demonstrating our morals and values.
In the past few months, especially the past few weeks, I have heard very vocal calls for Muslims to exercise their “voice” and go vote. This call has been the loudest for those who are pushing the community to vote for Harris and push Trump out. There are even some voices out there arguing that this is something that we have to do. Why is voting considered the only way to make our voices heard?
I am not saying “don’t vote.” I am also not criticizing those who choose to vote. What I am saying is to be conscious of what you’re doing, and make your decisions based on the principles and values of Islam. I don’t believe in the lesser of two evils argument for our current situation; they are both evil. We can make our voices heard in more effective and principled ways.
I remember that MSA West hosted a conference at UCI, where I was a student, in the early 2000s – it may have been 2002. Somehow they arranged for a collect call with Imam Jamil al-Amin that they broadcasted to the audience. Someone asked him about voting. I remember him saying something along the lines of, “Man, if voting worked they would have banned it years ago. Focus on establishing your prayers…” I don’t necessarily agree with that statement 100%, but I do feel that we should better educate ourselves on how national elections work with the two-party system and the electoral college, its flaws, and how we as a Muslim community can be most effective.
[Disclaimer: this opinion article does not reflect the views of MuslimMatters, a non-profit organization that does not endorse candidates and welcomes editorials with diverse political perspectives]
Related:
– The Conflicted Muslim Voter And The Flawed Candidate | Imam Omar Suleiman
– American Muslim Political Groups Call On Muslim Voters To Support Candidates For Justice
The post Thoughts On Voting As Muslims In The Upcoming US Elections I Sh. Furhan Zubairi appeared first on MuslimMatters.org.
A new father’s joy despite genocide
Gaza farmers say destruction deliberate “starvation campaign”
Families deserve answers about 88 bodies returned in a container
A massacre close to home
Israeli Assault On Lebanon Kills Hassan Nasrullah: A Look Back On The Politics That Shaped His Leadership
The news filtered slowly through the smoke and ashes of the wreckage in Beirut after a gigantic Israeli bombardment: Hassan Nasrullah, the longstanding leader of Lebanon’s most formidable militia, had been slain. The group that he had led for over thirty years, which styled itself Hezbollah – or God’s Party – took a while to confirm the Israeli kill, which put paid to one of the Levant’s most consequential political-military leaders in recent history.
Not only had Nasrullah led Lebanon’s largest, best-equipped, and best-drilled militia – indeed, the only one that had survived decades of war in the late twentieth century with major strength – Hezbollah is also a major jewel in the crown of Iran’s regional vassals. The group’s popularity, which abides among Lebanon’s Shia population in particular, was once shared throughout the region as a result of its impressive military record against a bullying Israel’s repeated incursions into Lebanon.
Under Nasrullah’s leadership, Hezbollah challenged, and eventually forced to a close, Israel’s eighteen-year occupation of southern Lebanon in a way that no Arab force had done so before. That it was able to do so rested both in its roots among the long-disenfranchised and recently militant Shias of southern Lebanon – roots that included not only military but political, cultural, social, and economic dimensions – and also its particularly close links with Tehran. As by far the group’s longest-lasting and most charismatic leader, Nasrullah epitomized his group’s link with an Iran that bolstered and emboldened, but ultimately failed, to protect him.
BackgroundLebanon’s Shias had historically had a marginal role in Lebanese society and politics, confined largely to the southern peasantry presided over by a handful of aristocrats. In the 1970s this changed with the rise of populist politics that was most effectively harnessed by a populist cleric trained in Iran, Moussa Sadr. Raised in poverty like thousands of other Lebanese Shia, Hassan Nasrullah was attracted to Sadr’s Amal Movement, and is said to have been gravely informed by the cleric that he bore the whiff of the Helpers of the Mahdi.
During this period Palestinian militants operated from southern Lebanon to exchange fire with Israel, which repeatedly mounted brutal incursions – not dissimilar to today’s campaign – in order to punish the locals, and soon set up a proxy southern Maronite militia that fought both Sunni Palestinians and Shia Lebanese. These Israeli attacks strained the relationship between the Palestinians and the southern Shias, to the extent that Amal offered little resistance when in 1982 Israel mounted a massive invasion of Lebanon. This Israeli assault was followed by a less brutal but equally galling occupation by its American suzerain, which set up its regional command for the Middle Eastern and North African region, Central Command or Centcom.
With Sadr long since vanished, Nasrullah and many other Shia militants saw little use left for Amal and instead set up separate cells to fight the Israelis, influenced in particular by the Iranian revolutionary regime. Among other tactics, they pioneered the first suicide attacks in the modern Middle East. Led by Ridwan Mughnie, a secretive but ruthlessly effective militant commander with close links to Iranian intelligence, such militants led a massive bombardment on the American barracks at Beirut in October 1983, which killed hundreds and forced the Americans to leave. The Israelis, however, never left, and by the mid-1980s the Iran-influenced Shia militants had united in an organization that called itself Hezbollah.
Hezbollah, backed by Iran, differed from Amal, which was backed by Syria, in that it openly worked with Sunni militants, Palestinians, and otherwise. During the late 1980s, indeed, the two Shia groups repeatedly clashed until Tehran and Damascus reached an understanding. Though Amal benefited from Syria’s longstanding occupation of northern-central Lebanon by monopolizing the formal parliamentary speakership reserved for Shias, it was Hezbollah whose influence would soar over the succeeding years by virtue of its hit-and-run raids against the Israeli occupation in the south.
Axis of ResistanceNasrullah took over the leadership in 1992, by which point Israel had already captured or killed several of his predecessors. With Syrian help, in 1998 he thrust aside a bid for leadership by the group’s founder, Subhi Tufaili, who took a newly anti-Iran stance that annoyed both Damascus and Tehran. The rest of his time was spent organizing the war in the south, assisted by a capable field commander Nabil Qaouk, and building coalitions across the Lebanese political arena. In a field that had rested on sharing government posts by confession, Hezbollah championed the language of resistance to Israel – rather than backroom deals between various confessional blocs – as its major selling point.
In May 2000 Hezbollah’s strategy was vindicated when Israel finally withdrew from southern Lebanon, taking with them the collaborating militia led by Maronite commander Antoine Lahed. Yet Hezbollah did not attempt to take over Lebanon by force, instead building a “shadow state” that overlapped with much of the country’s weak political structure. Nasrullah’s charisma, political sophistication, and organizational skill made him Lebanon’s best-recognized militia leader, and he built diverse links far beyond the Lebanese Shia whose confidence his group had championed. His admirers included the Palestinian leftist Edward Said, the former Maronite army commander Michel Aoun, and even the onetime Sunni prime minister Rafic Hariri – a figure close to both Saudi Arabia and the United States, but one who applauded Nasrullah’s vigor. Even American leader George Bush II at one point flirted with the idea of Hezbollah entering formal politics in return for abandoning militancy – a flirtation that the group ignored.
Hezbollah’s particular mastery of the Lebanese arena was enhanced by, and in turn made the group more valuable to, a network of Iran-backed militias in the region that would eventually take on the moniker “Axis of Resistance”: resistance to the American-propped regional order with Israel at its apex. To some extent this was hype – Iran had, after all, assisted both the American invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq – but with Tel Aviv prodding Washington against Tehran, it was clear by 2005 that a confrontation was brewing. That spring Hariri’s assassination – widely blamed on Hezbollah, though without proof – triggered major unrest that forced Syria to quit its longstanding occupation of Lebanon as an American-friendly government led by Fouad Siniora won power.However, this government was humiliated the following summer during yet another Israeli attack on Lebanon, which made a virtue of savagery – the term “Dahia doctrine”, named after a Beirut suburb, was coined by Israeli military commander Gadi Eizenkot to describe collective punishment as a strategy – but which was fought to a standstill by Hezbollah. Once more, Nasrullah’s prestige soared: he was seen as a champion of Lebanese independence, of resistance to Zionism, and even – in an age where sectarianism was spiraling, particularly in Iraq – a champion of cross-sectarian solidarity. Hezbollah’s much-vaunted links with Palestinian groups such as Palestinian Jihad and Hamas lent credence to these claims.
Yet at its root Hezbollah was a fundamentally pragmatic vassal of Iran, its immediate priority the maintenance of its own, and Iranian, influence in Lebanon. The group refused to take the bait when Israel and the United States provocatively assassinated Ridwan Mughnie in 2008, instead opting to force out Siniora’s government after a showdown over control of the capital’s airport. Similarly, subsequent Israeli assaults on Hamas-ruled Gaza provoked no Hezbollah escalation, though the Lebanese and Palestinian militants surely shared military resources and know-how.
Syrian Interlude and the Limits of Cross-Sectarian SolidarityIt was instead in 2010s Syria that Hezbollah mounted its next major military expedition. A major war broke out when the largely minoritarian Syrian regime of the Assad family bloodily cracked down on opposition, which quickly gained material support from Turkiye, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia. With historically Saudi-friendly Lebanese politicians such as Hariri’s son Saadeddine lending support to the budding Syrian insurgency and the United States making largely empty promises of support, Hezbollah and Iran reacted by bolstering crucial support to the government.
As Nasrullah railed against a “takfiri” conspiracy to oust the Syrian government, Hezbollah’s thunderous intervention at Qusair from May 2013 marked a turning point in the war. The militia deployed at major faultlines in Homs and Qalamoun, rescuing a teetering regime in spite of their distaste for some of its more sadistic measures. Iran and its allies portrayed the Syrian insurgency as a conglomeration of extremists and American stooges in service of Zionism: the road to Jerusalem, Nasrullah proclaimed in borrowing a common Iranian talking point, went not through the straight southern route but north through Syria.
In fact, as the mid-2010s showed, neither “takfiris” nor Zionists nor even the United States were prepared to topple the Syrian regime. Daesh’s emergence on the Iraqi-Syrian borderland was fought by the Syrian insurgents before it was fought by Iran; Israel was leery about what might replace the predictable Assads; and the United States soon made support to Syrian militants contingent on their fighting Daesh and not the regime. Indeed such Palestinian militants as Hamas were ranged in Syria on the side of the supposedly “Zionist” insurgents, not the regime: a stance that strained but did not snap their relations with Tehran.
By contrast, Hezbollah was wholeheartedly and decisively arrayed with Iran on Assad’s side, and though they did not indulge in the worst of the regime’s atrocities, the frequent sectarianism and abuses by the Iran-backed coalition made a mockery of their claims to cross-sectarian resistance. The Hezbollah of the 2010s – willing to engage in and rationalize assaults against Syrian Sunnis on behalf of a tyrant in Damascus – was a creature far different from the Hezbollah of the 1980s, which had fought alongside Lebanese Sunnis against the Assads’ vassals.
Unwanted EscalationBy the early 2020s, the war in Syria was beginning to abate – though Hezbollah continued to deploy at insurgent enclaves in the north – and heated up in Palestine once more. By this point the United States and Gulf states had lost interest in Syria entirely, and were bolstering the absurdly misnamed “Abraham Accords”, a very unAbrahamic coalition of Israeli ethnonationalists and Arab despots that sought to normalize their relations in a joint coalition against Iran by selling the Palestinians downriver. Naturally, this provoked Palestinian outrage, which repaired the links with Hezbollah. Repeated, bloody Israeli massacres and the ongoing blockade of Gaza provoked a mass counterattack, led by Hamas, in October 2023 – to which Israel responded with a nakedly genocidal onslaught.
Hezbollah and Iran had been taken aback by the Palestinian raid and by the brutality of the Israeli assault. Tehran avoided taking the bait of repeated Israeli escalations, realizing that Benjamin Netanyahu-Mileikowski wanted to drag it into an existential war with the United States. Hezbollah, as Iran’s vassal, acted somewhat more freely by exchanging cross-border fire into northern Palestine, which sent much of its settler population scurrying for cover but which also killed scores of Hezbollah fighters and many commanders. Though it dwarfed the reaction of pro-American Arab regimes, this was still a fairly muted reaction and fell short of Israel’s wish for a regional conflagration. So in September 2024, Tel Aviv flung down the gauntlet with brazen, brutal escalation in Lebanon.
Days after the murderous detonation of rigged pagers throughout Lebanon, Israel mounted a massive bombardment of Lebanon that killed hundreds within a day. In a repeat of 1982, they went even further by bombarding Hezbollah’s secret headquarters in Beirut. Along with an Iranian officer, Abbas Nilforoushan, the attack killed a dizzying array of Hezbollah leaders, including its ground commander Tahsin Akil and air commander Husain Surour: eventually, it was confirmed that the casualties included Nasrullah himself. Though it is certain that this will not end their troubles in Lebanon – for every Israeli aggression has provoked local backlash over the past fifty years – it is nonetheless indisputable that among the tens of thousands of innocents, they have killed in the past year, the Israelis have chanced upon a very big fish.
Related:
– Lebanon Faces Deadliest Day In Two Decades As Israeli Strikes Kill Over Five Hundred
– Iran President Ebrahim Raisi’s Controversial Career Ends In A Helicopter Crash
The post Israeli Assault On Lebanon Kills Hassan Nasrullah: A Look Back On The Politics That Shaped His Leadership appeared first on MuslimMatters.org.
Europe's weapons deals with Israel reward genocide
Arms trade must be monitored.
Sisters reunite after missile attack ordeal
Hizballah vows victory as Israel moves to invade Lebanon
Israel’s truimphalism is premature, as resistance group retains formidable capablities.
Labor appoints British Australian academic Aftab Malik as new Islamophobia envoy
Albanese government names envoy three months after appointing special envoy to combat rising levels of hatred against Jewish community
- Get our breaking news email, free app or daily news podcast
The Albanese government has announced British Australian academic Aftab Malik as the special envoy to combat Islamophobia in Australia after months of delays.
Anthony Albanese said in early July that two envoys would be established: one to tackle antisemitism and another to look at Islamophobia during the war in Gaza.
Lawyer Jillian Segal was announced as the antisemitism envoy shortly afterwards but Labor delayed announcing the Islamophobia envoy amid reports people had turned down the role.
But on Monday, the government announced Malik would be taking up the role, which they say will serve to listen to and engage the Muslim community, religious discrimination experts and all levels of government on how to combat Islamophobia.
Earlier on Monday sources confirmed to Guardian Australia that Malik was to be appointed, with the news announced at a Muslim community event later in the evening.
Malik has been working in the New South Wales Premier’s Department for almost a decade. He has previously held roles at the Lebanese Muslim Association.
Sign up for Guardian Australia’s breaking news email
Continue reading...From the Chaplain’s Desk – Reflecting On The Final Days Of The Prophet This Rabi-ul Awwal
While the month of Rabi-ul-Awwal is often remembered by Muslims as the month in which our beloved Prophet was born, it also marks the final days and eventual demise of our Messenger in the eleventh year of Islam. There are no special recommendations for this month, but it is a time to learn and reflect on how he lived his final days.
After performing what we call the “Farewell Pilgrimage,” the Prophet ﷺ returned to Madinah for the very last time. According to several reports, the Prophet ﷺ remained in this world for approximately 81 days after the farewell pilgrimage.
IndicationsThe Quran is explicitly clear that the Prophet ﷺ had an appointed term and would leave the world at that time, according to the wisdom and decree of Allah ﷻ. Allah ﷻ says in the Quran:
- “You [O Prophet] will certainly die, and they will die too.” [Surah Az-Zumar: 39;30]
- “Muḥammad is no more than a Messenger; other Messengers have gone before him. If he were to die or be killed, would you regress into disbelief?” [Surah ‘Ali Imran: 3;144]
- “We have not granted immortality to any human before you [O Prophet], so if you die, will they live forever?” [Surah Al-Anbiya: 21;34]
The Prophet ﷺ sensed from certain verses of the Quran that were revealed late in his life that the time of his death was approaching. The Prophet ﷺ made references to his departure from this world, which were understood by some of his close Companions .
When the Prophet ﷺ sent Muʿādh as a governor to Yemen, he saw him off to bid him farewell. The Prophet ﷺ walked alongside Muʿādh as he was riding his animal. The Prophet ﷺ said, “O Muʿādh, I certainly love you. Perhaps you shall not see me after this year, and perhaps when you return to Madinah you will find my mosque and my grave.” Another indication was the revelation of Surah al-Naṣr. Several Companions such as ʿUmar and ibn ʿAbbās understood it as a sign that the Prophet’s ﷺ time was soon. During the farewell pilgrimage, the Prophet ﷺ said, “Learn the rites of Ḥajj from me. I don’t know, perhaps this may be my last Ḥajj.”
The Prophet ﷺ fell ill during the month of Ṣafar and in preparation for his departure from this world, the Prophet ﷺ did some unique things. He visited the martyrs of Uḥūd and bid them farewell. After returning, he ascended the pulpit and said, “I am a predecessor before you and I am a witness over you. Your appointment with me is at the Ḥawḍ. I am looking at it while I’m standing right here. I do not fear for you the possibility that you will associate partners with Allah ﷻ in worship; rather, I fear for you in another sense: that you will compete with one another for the world.”
The Prophet ﷺ also visited Baqīʿ at night as if he was saying farewell to the inhabitants.
On Monday, the 29th of Ṣafar he developed a severe headache and a very high fever. He was sick for about 13-14 days and continued to lead the prayer for about 11 of those days; until he was too ill to do so. The Prophet ﷺ continued to alternate his visits between his wives and when his illness became more severe he started asking, “Where will I be tomorrow? Where will I be tomorrow?” His wives understood that he wanted to rest and be nursed in the home of ʿĀ’ishah and they gave him permission to do so. The Prophet spent the last week of his life in her home under her loving and tender care.
On Wednesday, his temperature rose very high and he asked to be bathed with water. After he felt some strength, he tied a cloth around his head, sat on the pulpit, and delivered one of his final public lectures. The following is some of what he said:
“May Allah’s Curse be upon the Jews and Christians because they took the graves of their Prophets as places of worship.”
“If I struck anyone’s back, this is my back so take your revenge.”
“If anyone has a debt that I have not paid, then here is my wealth to take.”
The Prophet ﷺ praised the Anṣār.
He was also reported to have said: “Allah ﷻ has a given a servant a choice between this world and what is with Him and He has chosen what is with Him.”
Upon hearing this, Abū Bakr began to weep uncontrollably.
Some of the Companions started to wonder why he was crying and found it to be strange. The Prophet ﷺ said, “Do not cry, O Abū Bakr, for you are the one I trust the most in my companionship and with my family. Were I able to take a khalīl in this world, my khalīl would be Abū Bakr, but I cannot take a khalīl because Allah has chosen me as His khalīl. But, O Abū Bakr, between you and I is the brotherhood of Islam.”
The Prophet ﷺ then announced, “All the doors of the Masjid are to be closed except Abū Bakr’s door.” [Al-Bukhari – 466]
One of the final prayers that the Prophet ﷺ led was Maghrib on the Friday before his death, and he recited Sūrah al-Mursalāt. For ʿIshā, the Prophet ﷺ attempted 3 or 4 times to go to the masjid but he was unable to do so. He asked ʿĀ’isha , “Have the people prayed?” She said, “No and they’re waiting for you O Messenger of Allah…” When he realized that he would not be able to make it, he told ʿĀ’isha , “Tell Abū Bakr to lead the people in prayer.” She said, “O Messenger of Allah, my father is a soft-hearted man; when he stands in prayer, he cries, and people won’t like it.” The Prophet ﷺ insisted, “Tell Abū Bakr to lead the people in prayer.” ʿĀ’isha then urged Ḥafsah to ask the Prophet ﷺ to allow ʿUmar to lead instead, and the Prophet ﷺ repeated even more emphatically, “Go and find Abū Bakr to lead! You are acting like the women around Yūsuf!” Abū Bakr (ra) then led the prayers until the Prophet ﷺ left this world. [Al Bukhari: 678]
The following day (Sat or Sun), the Prophet ﷺ gained enough energy to walk to the masjid while the Companions were praying Ẓuhr. Abū Bakr stepped back to allow the Prophet ﷺ to lead, but the Prophet ﷺ motioned to Abū Bakr to stay in his place… After prayer, the Prophet ﷺ addressed his Companions publically for the last time. He praised the Anṣār and instructed that they be taken care of. He also said, “None of you should die except with good thoughts of Allah.” The last thing he advised his Companions with was, “Guard the prayer! Guard the prayer! And fear Allah with those under your authority.”
The day before his death (Sun), the Prophet ﷺ asked ʿĀ’ishah how much money he had, and she collected seven dinars. He held them in his hand and said, “What will I say to Allah if I meet Allah with these coins?” He then instructed ʿĀ’ishah to give them away in charity. The Prophet ﷺ left this world without any money in his possession.
The next day (Mon), the Prophet ﷺ was in bed as Abū Bakr led the Muslims in Fajr prayer. The Prophet ﷺ lifted the curtain and observed his Companions praying behind Abū Bakr with a beautiful smile on his face. Anas said, “We diverted our attention and almost invalidated our prayers out of happiness.” This is the last time they saw the blessed face of the Prophet ﷺ as he did not live until the next prayer time.
Later that day, Fāṭimah came to visit the Prophet ﷺ. He whispered something in her ear and she began to cry. He then whispered in her ear again and she smiled. Later, ʿĀ’ishah asked her what the Prophet ﷺ said. She said, “The first time he told me that he would not recover from his illness, and I wept. Then he told me that I would be the first of his family to join him so I smiled.” [Al Bukhari: 4433] When his fever intensified, Fāṭimah said, “How painful is the suffering of my father!” He ﷺ replied, “O Fāṭimah, your father will not suffer after today.”
ʿĀ’ishah placed the Prophet’s head on her lap and cradled him ﷺ. The Prophet ﷺ looked over to ʿAbd al-Raḥmān ibn abī Bakr’s miswāk. She asked, “Would you like me to take it for you?”
The Prophet ﷺ then raised his eyes upwards and began whispering. ʿĀ’ishah lowered her head to hear what he was saying, and she heard, “With the Prophets, the truthful, the martyrs, and the righteous. O Allah, forgive me, have mercy on me, and allow me to be with al-Rafīq al-Aʿlā (the Loftiest Company). His final words were, “al-Rafīq al-Aʿlā.”
Anas said, “The day the Prophet ﷺ passed away everything became dark. I have never seen a darker day than the day on which the Prophet ﷺ passed away.”
Lessons- Acceptance of Mortality: The Prophet ﷺ knew that his time in the world was limited. He sensed it from certain Quranic verses and prepared both himself and his community for his departure. This is a reminder for us to accept the inevitability of death and to prepare for it spiritually.
- Preparation for departure: The Prophet ﷺ took several steps in preparation for his passing, such as visiting the martyrs of Uḥūd and Baqīʿ and bidding them farewell. He also emphasized to his Companions that he would soon leave the world and reminded them to stay firm in their worship and devotion to Allah , and avoid competition for worldly gains.
- Humility and justice: The Prophet ﷺ, during his illness, offered anyone he may have wronged an opportunity to seek redress, showing his humility and sense of justice. He wanted to leave this world without owing anyone anything, and without holding grudges.
- Charity and Generosity: Before his passing, the Prophet ﷺ asked ʿĀ’ishah about any money they had left and immediately instructed her to give it away in charity, showing his commitment to meeting Allah without holding onto material wealth.
- The Importance of Prayer: One of the Prophet’s ﷺ final public instructions was to emphasize the importance of prayer. He repeatedly advised his Companions to “Guard the prayer!” which serves as a reminder for all Muslims to maintain their prayers, especially in difficult times.
- Compassion for Family: Even in his final moments, the Prophet ﷺ showed compassion for his daughter Fāṭimah when she expressed sadness over his suffering. He reassured her that after his death, he would no longer experience pain, showing the importance of comforting our loved ones during hard times.
- Leadership and Community: The Prophet ﷺ made arrangements for the continuity of leadership, appointing Abū Bakr to lead the prayers. This highlights the significance of ensuring the well-being and unity of the community even after one’s departure.
- Final words and readying to meet Allah : In his last moments, the Prophet ﷺ expressed a longing to be reunited with “al-Rafīq al-Aʿlā” (the Loftiest Company), meaning Allah , the Prophets, and the righteous. His last words were a beautiful reminder of his connection to the Divine, which left a lasting impression on his Companions.
There are many many lessons to take from the life of our beloved Messenger , but also many to take from his final hours on earth.
Related:
– From The Chaplain’s Desk: Expressing Love For The Prophet
– Podcast: The Prophet ﷺ and Secrets To A Good Death | Dr. Muhammad Wajid Akhter
The post From the Chaplain’s Desk – Reflecting On The Final Days Of The Prophet This Rabi-ul Awwal appeared first on MuslimMatters.org.
Hasan Nasrallah died on the road to liberate Palestine
Why massacring civilians is Israel's deliberate strategy
Tel Aviv’s genocide in Gaza and attacks in Lebanon are endangering all of humanity.
Seven Virtues With Which To Navigate Recruitment: Humble Advice To Young And New Muslims
Alhamdulillah.
As a young or new Muslim, you may encounter various groups (‘Salafists,’ ‘Traditionalists,’ ‘Activists,’ and many strands in between) who are eager to engage you in their causes. Each of them carries elements of truth and sincere intent. After thorough examination within your capacity and praying for guidance from your Lord, work with the one that resonates with your heart, but remember: your journey in Islam is long, and there is much knowledge, history, and understanding that you, and likely those who invite you, have yet to fully grasp.
Beware of zealotry, for it can lead you astray. Instead, proceed with care and reflection, knowing that your ultimate goal is your own salvation and the pleasure of Allah . Dogmatism can deform your intellectual, moral, and spiritual self, confining you to rigid structures that may obscure the broader beauty of Islam. Compartmentalization will limit your reach, keeping much goodness and wisdom beyond your grasp.
These groups are comprised of flawed humans, just like you. They may present to you certain truths that appeal to your pure fiṭra (natural disposition), but along with those truths, they may slip into unexamined dogmas that have weak foundations.
Many before you have been sacrificed for personal ambitions or dogmatic visions, often cloaked as noble causes. Reflect on all those who lost their lives following the countless “Mahdis” throughout our history. Consider reading the correspondence between “al-Nafs al-Zakiyyah” and Abū Jaʿfar al-Manṣūr. These were the campaign debates of their time. This will help you better understand why many in Muslim lands hold an aversion to politicized religion. But does that mean one should embrace a form of Islam that reconciles with corruption, passively awaiting a better place in the Hereafter? Are all those who promote such an approach entirely free from their own agendas?
As you reflect on the effectiveness of the group you follow as diagnosticians and healers, consider this: Have their solutions produced tangible results when they held the majority or were in power? Has spiritual lethargy, moral decline, material backwardness, and defeat at the hands of others been limited only to times and places under the influence of their intellectual opponents? Moreover, can the significant issues within their own ranks be easily dismissed as mere external conspiracies?
At first, you may not notice gaps or inconsistencies because of your limited exposure to Islamic knowledge and history. Also, part of this, naturally, is a result of youth and inexperience.
Equip yourself with the following seven virtues as you walk this path:
1. Sincerity and a heart deeply connected to Allah .
2. Humility and harboring a positive outlook toward others help guard against the corrosive effects of cynicism.
3. Knowledge: Start with structured learning, but understand that true knowledge expands far beyond fixed curricula.
4. Moderation, which anchors you in the middle ground.
5. Rationality: Never relinquish this precious Divine Gift to any fallible human.
6. Honesty: To preserve your integrity, prevent double standards or deliberate blind spots, and remain open to the Truth, regardless of its source.
7. Pragmatism: Balancing honesty with practical wisdom allows you to collaborate with various groups without compromising your principles, while striving to follow the paths within these groups that are the least dogmatic and fanatical.
Avoid being conscripted into lost battles or sacrificing yourself for causes that may lead nowhere. Strive to leave a lasting, positive mark on the world, so that by the time you depart, your legacy will reflect the principles of Islam in their truest form.
وصلى الله على محمد والحمد لله رب العالمين
Related:
– Lowlier Than Thou – Naseeha tips from Ibn Rajab
– From The Chaplain’s Desk: Valuing And Nurturing Faith On Campus
The post Seven Virtues With Which To Navigate Recruitment: Humble Advice To Young And New Muslims appeared first on MuslimMatters.org.
Israel killed my brother's family
Young girl loses hair amid relentless Israeli aggression
Day 355: Refaat Alareer's legacy
Dr. Yousef M. Aljamal on new anthology of Alareer’s work; war between Hizballah and Israel expands.