By Ibrahim Moiz
15 July 2025

Bism Allah Al-Rahman Al-Rahim

A Terrible Anniversary

Srebrenica, Bosnia

This month marks thirty years since one of the most vicious massacres of recent history, of eight thousand Muslim men and boys at the eastern Bosnian border town Srebrenica in July 1995. The Srebrenica massacre was simply the most climactic massacre in a genocidal campaign by Serb ethnonationalists, which helped break up the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s a most viciously directed its violence at Bosnia.

Though there has been much coverage of the Bosnian genocide, with Muslims worldwide shaken to solidarity, the war’s general trajectory and the escalation to genocide are little-understood by many foreign Muslims even as their implications continue to reverberate beyond Bosnia.

This first article in our series will examine the background and political-military history of the Bosnian war, before we move on to its dynamics in the context of Muslim solidarity, anti-Muslim propaganda and pseudo-nativism, and international institutional feebleness.

I. Ethnonationalism and Islam in Yugoslavia The Balkan Tinderbox

Map of Bosnia and Herzegovina showing major frontlines and regions during the 1992–1995 war (Public domain, U.S. CIA)

Since the nineteenth century, it has been a cliche to call the Balkans a tinderbox of local parochialism and competition by neighbouring powers. An early site of nationalisms, such as Serbian and Albanian, that in turn were exploited by foreign rivals of the Ottoman sultanate or Austro-Hungarian empire, it is often noted that Bosnia’s capital Sarajevo witnessed the assassination, by a Serb ethnonationalist against the Austro-Hungarian heir-apparent, that kicked off the First World War. The region suffered many wars in the first half of the twentieth century, and though under Broz Tito it became a stronghold of the Non-Aligned Movement, his celebrated balancing act between different ethnic groups was improvisational and occasionally repressive, if less than the Soviet Union or neighbouring Albania.

Yugoslavia’s partial federalism, with a certain regional autonomy, contained but institutionalized differences. Both at the capital Belgrade and in the various regions, ruling bodies and state institutions–such as the military, local militia, and security–were balanced among communists of different ethnic groups. Serbs comprised the largest, most far-flung group, and were often suspicious of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, both because of Kosovo’s importance to Serbia’s identity and because of rivalry with neighbouring Albania.

By the 1980s, with the communist edifice in decline and replaced increasingly by ethnic nationalism, ideologues such as Dobrica Cosic were presenting Serbs as natural but long-aggrieved defenders of the region. Such discourse often entered not only ethnic but also religious bigotry, with the largely Catholic Croats and largely Muslim Albanians and Bosniaks a target. Though partly reactive ethnonationalism also surged among Albanians and Croats, it was Serb ethnonationalists who presented themselves as defenders of Yugoslavia’s unity even as they increasingly engineered state institutions to their exclusive favour.

Slobodan Milosevic And Ethnonationalism

Nobody exploited this ethnonationalism to greater effect than Slobodan Milosevic, boss of the Serbian region, who shot to prominence in the late 1980s in a manner that will be familiar today: turning corruption into an ethnic issue, manufacturing hysteria against minorities, and playacting as a champion of his kin against a supposedly oppressive state apparatus–an apparatus that was, in fact, exceedingly indulgent of and increasingly politicized in his favour.

Rival nationalism was stoked with particular success by Franjo Tudjman, a former general, in Croatia. While the West widely applauded nationalist alternatives to communism in these last days of the Cold War, in fact nationalists in the Balkans were largely former communist apparatchiks, most of whom came to lead their region in Yugoslavia.

Alija Izetbegovic And Fikret Abdic

Alija Izetbegović, Bosniak leader and first President of independent Bosnia and Herzegovina

A major exception was the Bosniak (Bosnian Muslim) ideologist Alija Izetbegovic, the only regional leader from outside the Yugoslavia elite; he had been put on a show trial in 1983 for a supposed plan to create an Islamic state. In fact he had simply written on basic Islamic political principles, none of which entailed forcing the religion; he saw moral persuasion as the best route to Islamic revivalism, religious and cultural rather than politics as ideal for Islamic revivalism in a largely secularized society. Though critics suspicious of “Islamic fundamentalism” would labor to equivocate him with nationalists because of his Islamic convictions, those same convictions abhorred nationalism and he aimed to preserve, not force, Islam–a far cry from the clumsy, exclusivist amalgamations of Serbian nationalism with Eastern Orthodoxy or Croatian nationalism with the Catholic faith by recently transformed former establishmentarians such as Slobodan Milosevic and Tudjman.

A very different, but initially popular, type of Bosniak leader was Fikret Abdic, a tycoon whose northwest Bihac region had a rare amount of inter-ethnic harmony that ensured his popularity even after he was embroiled in a corruption scandal. He actually secured more votes than Izetbegovic in the 1990 regional election, and was made a member of a coalition Bosnian council.

II. The Breakup of Yugoslavia Summer 1991

Albania, whose communist regime succumbed to protests, was a warning sign, especially because Kosovar Albanians led by Ibrahim Rugova fled there to found an exile opposition. It was clear that Yugoslavia would either reform, rupture, or both: Croatia, led by Tudjman, and Slovenia favoured rupture; both Bosnia, where Izetbegovic had recently come to power, and Serbia ironically opposed secession, for opposite reasons: Izetbegovic favoured a federalist Yugoslavia with reforms, especially since ethnic secession would hit Bosnia hardest; Milosevic marketed himself as the champion of Yugoslav unity, portraying any reform as treasonous; by the year’s end a series of palace intrigues had collapsed the government and put him in charge of not only Serbia but the collapsing Yugoslavia state.

The fact that a reunified Germany, in particular, was encouraging Slovenia and Croatia to declare independence also rallied Yugoslav state institutions like the army behind Milosevic, who portrayed Serbs as the guardians of the state. In summer 1991 both Slovenia and Croatia broke away; Slovenia had very few Serbs, so after a brief military campaign it was let go. Essentially this led to a precedent where a Yugoslavia-versus-separatists stance was replaced with an ethnic war.

Serb-Croat War

Typical communist-era architecture in Belgrade, the former capital of Yugoslavia.

Croatia was a different matter, its sizable Serb periphery led by Milan Babic calling to join Serbia. This would only be connected via Bosnia, whose most influential Serb ethnonationalist – Radovan Karadzic – assumed a similar posture. A vicious war soon broke out between Serbs, joined by the Yugoslavia army, and Croats on Bosnia’s border.

Croat-Serb polarization affected both Belgrade–where a bloodless coup replaced the Croat figurehead ruler of Yugoslavia, Stjepan Mesic, with the Serb Milosevic–and Bosnia, where rival ethnic enclaves were set up, Mate Boban leading a Croat enclave that favoured Croatia and Karadzic taking the opposite stand.

Institutions, including Izetbegovic’s ruling council in Sarajevo had been carefully split between Bosnia’s Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs: Bosniak security chief Alija Delimustafic and Serb militia commander Dragan Vukosavljevic backed Belgrade against Croatia. The Yugoslav army’s commanders from the war against Croatia–notably Milutin Kukanjac and Ratko Mladic–also armed Serb militias, setting up Karadzic’s headquarters in the mountains outside Sarajevo, and the war occasionally spilled over against Croat villages in Bosnia. Izetbegovic did form a militia, led by Sefer Halilovic, that was loosely linked to his Akcije party, but its role was strictly defensive.

Croatian Independence

By 1992 Tudjman had won recognition of Croatian independence, effectively confirming Yugoslavia’s death. In spring 1992 a referendum secured Bosnia’s independence and left Milosevic in charge of the rest, now called Serbia. Croatia was strongly supported by the West, Serbia by Russia; Bosnia had neither.

The United Nations had rushed a force of peacekeepers to the scene, but its Canadian commander Lewis Mackenzie remained openly hostile to Bosnia. The United Nations then reached a typically untimely bandaid solution in the form of an arms embargo: this came after Serbia had already armed Karadzic’s militants to the teeth and retained a major army force led by Kukanjac in the country. It left Bosnia, easily the weakest of the newly independent states, with very little defense.

III. Encirclement and Attack Spring 1992: Serbs Converge on Bosnia

Sarajevo residents fetching water under sniper fire, winter 1992–1993. (Photo: Christian Maréchal)

In spring 1992 not only Serb ethnonationalists but the Serbian army converged on Bosnia. There were three major prongs: in the centre, Kukanjac and Karadzic laid siege to Sarajevo; in the west, Mladic thundered south from the Croatian battlefield through the Kupres and Neretva river valleys; and in the east, Dragoljub Ojdanic crossed the eastern border and swept south through Zvornik, hoping to cross southern Bosnia and meet up with Mladic in the southwest. Only in isolated cases–Zepa, where Avdo Palic ambushed the Serbian army, and Gorazde and Srebrenica, where Zaim Imamovic and Naser Oric held out under siege for three years–were they interrupted.

Ethnic Cleansing and Atrocity Campaigns

The Serbian army employed Serb ethnonationalists from throughout the old Yugoslavia, such as Arkan Raznjatovic, Mirko Jovic, and Vojeslav Seselj: they openly spoke of Islam as an alien and inferior presence, often describing Bosniaks as alien Turks, and armed to the teeth they regularly rounded up non-Serbs, Bosniak and Croat, and massacred them. For Serb ethnonationalists massacres were intended to eliminate or at least expel non-Serb populaces in order to claim their land as part of the Serb homeland; rape was a frequent phenomenon intended to break the spirit of their victims’ communities.

Political Defections and Siege Dynamics

Sefer Halilović, Bosnian army commander

Any illusions the Bosnian government maintained of keeping the peace soon evaporated. The Serb members of the Bosnian government, academics Nikola Koljevic and Biljana Plavsic defected to join Karadzic, as would their replacement Nenad Kecmanovic, and constable Vukosavljevic led a slew of similar defections by Serb officers. While Izetbegovic negotiated abroad, two Bosniak government leaders–his tycoon rival Abdic, also on the ruling council, and interior minister Delimustafic–also attempted a coup on the same day that the Serbian besiegers launched a major attack; Izetbegovic, rushing back from Lisbon, was captured at the airport by Serbian soldiers.

Fortunately for Sarajevo, Izetbegovic’s deputy Ejup Ganic as well as military commanders Hasan Efendic and Halilovic kept their wits about and captured Serbian army commander Kukanjac. He was only released in exchange for Izetbegovic, but Halilovic promptly captured him again. The aggressive Halilovic, now Bosnian army commander, was at the centre of considerable misgivings between the Bosnian leaders. Particularly controversial, though certainly necessary at the time, was his reliance on Sarajevo’s unsavoury mobsters to help man the front until the army built up; not till late summer 1992 was an army corps, led by Mustafa Hajrullahovic, ready.

IV. A Common Enemy: Bosnia against the Ethnonationalists Bosniak–Croat Military Cooperation

Mostar in Southwest Bosnia, a major battleground during the war.

Caught unawares and unready by the Serbian offensive, Bosnia had relied heavily on the more experienced Croat militia against their common Serbian rival. Croat nationalism had a more mixed view of Muslims at this stage than did Serb nationalism; indeed the Croatian army included a large number of Albanians from Kosovo. Within Bosnia, the Bosniak mayors of the cosmopolitan towns Tuzla and Mostar, respectively Selim Beslagic and Ismet Hadziosmanic, cooperated closely with Croat commanders Zeljko Knez and the Muslim Jasmin Jaganac. Another friendly Croat commander, Blaz Kraljevic, had helped take Trebinje from the Serb forces, and soon Izetbegovic and Tudjman were aiming to formalize their cooperation.

Boban–Karadzic Conspiracy and Betrayal

Yet behind the scenes the respective Croat and Serb ethnonationalist leaders, Boban and Karadzic, decided that it was best to split Bosnia, whose defence was easily the weakest and whose Muslim population both despised, between them: an early hint of this conspiracy came with the murder of Kraljevic, and it exploded to the fore in autumn 1992. The plotters’ takeover of Bosanski Brod hamstrung the government’s attempt to retake Zvornik from Serb militants. In an ironic twist, the government’s commander here, Knez, was an ethnic Croat, while the Bosanski garrison was led by Armin Pohara, a Bosniak actor with links to different sides of the conflict who appears to have been confused by circumstances beyond his control.

Escalation to the Bosniak–Croat War

Such local nuances did not prevent the Croat ethnonationalists from plundering or expelling Muslims from other towns they captured, including Jajce, Prozor, and Travnik. While Croat militants were never as uniform in hostility to Muslims as Serb militants, by 1993 a general war between Bosniaks and Croats was underway; Croats who cooperated with Muslims were increasingly sidelined.

In spring 1993 Boban’s deputy Dario Kordic and Tihomir Blaskovic, particularly brutal commanders, blazed through the Lasva valley, massacring and expelling Muslims; having jointly fought the Serb rebels at Mostar, Croat commanders Slobodan Praljak and Milivoj Petkovic turned on their Muslim counterparts Arif Pasalic and Sulejman Budakovic.

Despite talks between Boban and Alija Izetbegovic, Blaskovic rejected any reconciliation and even replaced the tolerant Croat commandant in Fojnica, Stjepan Tuke, with a vicious lieutenant Ivica Rajic, who advanced to Vares and massacred Muslims.

Not till summer 1993 did Bosniaks respond with anything like the same ruthlessness. A Bosnian attack led by Enver Hadzihasanovic captured Fojnica and Bugojno, and in contrast to previous or future practice expelled the towns’ Croats. This was quickly seized upon by foreign outlets as proof that the Bosniaks were “no angels”–as if that was a prerequisite to avoid genocide. The fact was that even at their worst Bosniak soldiers did not resort to ethnic cleansing, systemic massacres, or cultural destruction: there was no equivalence with Croat or Serb ethnonationalist atrocities.

V. International Institutions: Hurting not Helping The Vance–Owen Peace Plan

Ethnonationalism was further incentivized by a gormless international response: in early 1993 United Nations envoy Cyrus Vance, whose earlier mediations in the Balkans had hardly been helpful, joined with United Nations envoy David Owen to argue for the splinter of Bosnia into ethnic cantonments. Portrayed as statesmanlike nuance, this in effect only encouraged Serb and Croat ethnonationalists to carve up Bosnia between them.

UN Peacekeeper Failures

Such pompously harmful edicts underscored a general tendency in international institutions like the United Nations: recognizing the Western support for Croatia and the weakness of Bosnia, they opted for the laziest and easiest presumption that Bosnia should be sacrificed for the “greater good” rather than moralize Serbia. Like his Canadian predecessor Mackenzie, United Nations commander Philippe Morillon of France inclined toward Serbian commander Mladic, whose swaggering confidence endeared him to fellow officers.

Western Prejudice and Muslim Solidarity

While Western states had been glad to advocate for Croatia against Serbia, they were quite willing to sacrifice Bosnia and dress this up as a necessary sop to Russia: at the highest levels France and, with only slightly less distasteful enthusiasm, Britain evinced their distaste for a Muslim state in Europe.

Hasan Cengić, Bosnian Finance Minister (1992–1995), known as the “Flying Imam” for his diplomatic fundraising flights.

Washington was not as prejudiced against Bosnia, but inclined to side foremost with Croatia and definitely suspicious of Sarajevo’s links to Muslims abroad in an age where “Islamic fundamentalism” was beginning to emerge as a post-Cold War enemy of choice. Croatian leader Tudjman, so recently hobnobbing with Izetbegovic, now expounded on the “alien” nature of Muslims in Europe, echoing Serb propaganda. In a region torn apart by ethnonationalism, the one government that transcended it, Sarajevo, was portrayed as a wildcard for its Islamic links, epitomized in the energetic activity of finance minister Hasan Cengic, whose frequent trips for support earned him the nickname “flying imam”.

Such links were of course a natural response to Bosnia’s plight, and a number of state and private Muslim actors did chip in. From pro-American regimes Saudi Arabia’s future king Salman bin Abdul-Aziz and Kuwait’s emir Jabir bin Ahmed sent support. Hussein Abdel-Razek from Egypt, Fazlur-Rahman from Bangladesh, and Qasim Qureshi from Pakistan led United Nations units and tried to bypass institutional apathy. But U.S. policymakers fretted over support from Sudan’s Hassanayn, Iran’s Akbar Torkān, and Pakistan’s spymaster Javed Nasir—whom Washington forced out as “fundamentalist.”

Propaganda, Media Bias, and High-Profile Abductions

Non-state actors were viewed with even more suspicion: these included civilian aid administrators, such as Muhammad Sharhan of Kuwait; a Hadrami Islamist called Mahmoud Bahaziq, often called “Abu Abdul-Aziz Barbaros” in disproportionate media focus; and foreign volunteer battalions led by the North Africans Doctor Abul-Harith and Jamal Abul-Maali, the Arabian Muhammad Habshi (Abul-Zubair), and even Ali Fayad, who led a unit from the Lebanese Hezbollah.

The Bosnians’ enemies latched onto this solidarity as proof of a villainous Muslim plot to infiltrate Europe; several Israeli propagandists, such as Yossef Bodansky, seconded themselves to Serbia to lobby against Bosnia as part of general Israeli support for Serbia. In fact, despite such innuendo, Muslim volunteers were guilty of little more than a culture shock; late in the war Abul-Maali would execute fifty captured Serb fighters, but this paled compared to the systemic and repeated crimes against civilians by Bosnia’s enemies.

Nonetheless, institutional biases toward Muslims, not only foreigners, often prevailed: this was epitomized by the coverage of Srebrenica’s tough sheriff Naser Oric. In early 1993 he led a breakout and raided Serb villages in order to feed the starving town; Serb nationalists immediately portrayed this as an assault on Serbs and an unimaginable war crime, an angle that was widely spread abroad.

Foreign coverage preferred United Nations commander Morillon, who–mobbed by desperate Srebrenica families as he visited the besieged enclave–solemnly promised never to abandon them. Despite a glowing foreign reception for this theatre, Morillon would manifestly fail to keep his promise and would in fact go on to obfuscate in Serbia’s favour. Perhaps nothing epitomized international failure as obviously as the abduction of Bosnian vice-prime minister Hakija Turajlic by Serb separatists in Sarajevo; seized under the noses of indifferent United Nations “peacekeepers”, he was quickly murdered in an indictment of international institutions.

VI. American Mediation and its Limits Reorganizing Sarajevo’s Defense

General Atif Dudaković, Commander of the 5th Corps, Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina

In summer 1993 Sarajevo’s defense was overhauled: the irascible Halilovic, whose uncompromising opposition to Croat militants and support for the Sarajevo cartels had earned him a black mark, was unceremoniously sacked in favour of a more discreet Rasim Delic.

Halilovic’s rivals Fikret Muslimovic and Enver Mujezinov cracked down on the mobsters–one of whom, Caco Topalovic, was killed: instead of such unsavoury militias, the army took a more organized approach in the city’s defence.

New Corps Commanders in the Field

Mehmed Alagić, Bosnian Army Corps Commander at Travnik.

Similarly the Akcije government began to establish control, both emphasizing the Islamic nature of their struggle and trying to restore confidence abroad. In the field they promoted commanders who were not only experienced but also reliable: for example, Tuzla’s new corps commander Sead Delic was more reliable than his wilful predecessors Knez and Hazim Sadic.

Salko Gusic was sent to shore up the sensitive Konjic front; Vahid Karavelic at Sarajevo, Mehmed Alagic at Travnik, Sakib Mahmuljin at Zenica, and Atif Dudakovic at Bihac were experienced and loyal to the regime.

The 1994 Washington Accord

Externally, American commitment to Croatia had precluded support to Bosnia, but their priority had been Serbia and now they sought to end the 1993 Bosniak-Croat war. One promising sign was the replacement of the Croat separatist Mate Boban with Kresimir Zubak, who negotiated under the auspices of American leader Bill Clinton with Bosnian prime minister Haris Silajdzic. This culminated in the spring 1994 Washington Accord, joined by Izetbegovic and Tudjman, that effectively ended the 1993 Bosniak-Croat war and redirected them against Serbia.

The coalition kicked off when Croat forces helped Alagic and Kadir Jusic break the Serb siege of Maglaj. Another siege, led by Serb commander Dragisa Masal against Gorazde commander Zaim Imamovic, was only narrowly averted when United Nations commander Michael Rose unprecedentedly launched airstrikes — Masal and his boss Ratko Mladic vented their spleen at this narrow loss by, respectively, massacring Muslims and seizing United Nations soldiers. The Serb commander at Ozren, Novak Djucic, had more success in repulsing a three-pronged assault led by Sadic, Jusic, and Refik Lendo.

Fikret Abdić’s Mutiny and the Bihać Siege

A Bosnian-Croatian detente also complicated life for Fikret Abdic; having failed to oust Izetbegovic in 1992, this tycoon had in autumn 1993 conspired with Boban to turn over Bihac, on the Croatia-Bosnia border. Abdic had wealth and influence in this region, so when he incited a mutiny against Bosnian commander Ramiz Drekovic it had put the Bosnian regime at a quandary. He enjoyed portraying the Akcije regime as fanatics and won the trust of such credulous diplomats as Owen by confirming their prejudices.

But with Boban and Croatian protection gone, Abdic’s prospects looked uncertain. He thus jumped at an opportunity when Bosnian soldiers offered another mutiny, and quickly ordered his supporters to join them. To their horror, they walked into a trap laid by the formidable new commander Atif Dudakovic, who quickly apprehended them and marched on Abdic’s stronghold Velika Kladusa. Mladic responded with a two-pronged assault, but it backfired and the Serbian commander only narrowly evaded capture. Abdic now allied himself in open with Serbia; two Serb separatist corps, led by Momir Talic and Radivoje Tomanovic, pushed Dudakovic back to Bihac and put him under siege.

VII. An Enabled Massacre Shift in UN/US Priorities

The undisguised motivation of the American and United Nations intervention in 1994 had been to pressure Serbia, rather than help Bosnia per se; indeed their commander Rose, who had helped save Gorazde only months earlier, balked when the Bosnian army tried to break the siege of Sarajevo. Independent Bosnian action was anathema, and when the Bosnian army tried to recover strategic heights in spring 1995 the United Nations turned firmly against them.

Failed Bosnian Summer Offensive and the Fall of Srebrenica

Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, masterminds of Bosnian genocide.

In turn, the Bosnian army made a major, and rash, attempt to break the Sarajevo siege in summer 1995, when Sead sent forces from Tuzla to help Karavelic’s offensive. Not only was this repulsed with heavy casualties, but it left eastern Bosnia dangerously undermanned.

Ratko Mladic seized advantage of this, and concentrated his far larger army on the long-besieged Srebrenica enclave. Its dashing commander Naser Oric, widely vilified abroad, had recently been recalled to Sarajevo; instead a small garrison was left under the command of the ailing Ramiz Becirovic. Two years earlier the United Nations had pledged to help Srebrenica, but their only unit, a Dutch force led by Thom Karremans, put up no resistance; instead Mladic, who always disguised his brutality toward civilians with roguish humour toward foreign soldiers, regaled him with alcohol.

With relish, Mladic flaunted his power over the captured Bosniaks, and had as many as eight thousand butchered in cold blood, many lured to the slaughterhouse by their coerced families. Bosnia had seen many massacres over the past few years, the vast majority at the hands of Serb ethnonationalists, but this marked the crescendo of a full decade of hate-mongering, ethnic supremacism, and ultimately genocide under the banner of Serb ethnonationalism.

VIII. Blitz and Betrayal The Split Accord and Joint Counter-Offensive

Military action surrounding Sarajevo, Bosnia in June 1995

The only way forward from such unrepentant genocidal brutality is down, and so it happened. Serbia overreached by assigning its army in the west, led by Mile Mrksic, to finish off the campaign in western Bosnia opposite the Croatian army. To mend any remaining splits, the Bosnian and Croatian leaders signed the Split Accord–so named for the Croatian corps’ headquarters on the western coast–and, assisted by Dudakovic’s Bihac corps, blitzed the Serbian army and its vassals in Bosnia and Croatia– Karadzic, Milan Martic, and Bosniak quisling Abdic.

Recapture of Bosnian Territories

In autumn 1995 Croatian corps commander Ante Gotovina joined his Bosnian counterparts Dudakovic, Alagic, Mahmuljin, and even the foreign Muslims led by Abul-Maali in recapturing Bosnian towns such as Jajce, Petrovic, Donji Vakuf, and Vozuca; Zaim Imamovic, who had braved years under siege in Gorazde, was martyred on the campaign’s last day. Among the Serb opposition they routed was the infamous Arkan Raznjatovic, recently dispatched by Milosevic from Serbia in a vain attempt to reconcile the squabbling Mladic and Karadzic.

The Dayton Accord

Yet this avalanche of good news screeched to a halt when the United States, under bullish mediator Richard Holbrooke, called a ceasefire and hammered out the most flawed of compromises in the Dayton Accord. Not dissimilar to the 1993 proposals of Owen and Vance, it created an ethnic enclave for Serbs in Bosnia, essentially rewarding Karadzic’s three years of ethnic cleansing and ensuring an island of Serb ethnonationalism remained in Bosnia. It also slapped a foreign commission for Bosnia, led first by former Swedish prime minister Carl Bildt, that would act as a sort of viceroy; the Americans, naturally, would enjoy a veto on great matters.

Izetbegovic’s Reluctance and Silajdzic’s Break

The Accord should put paid to any delusions that the United States had entered Bosnia as a friend to its people, and at first Izetbegovic was too appalled to sign. But he lacked the cards to do anything about it–he could just about face off Serbia, but a United States at the peak of its power, backed by Europe, including the important Croatia, was beyond his capability after three years of horrendous war. The Akcije regime was exhausted and struggling; in summer 1995, prime minister Silajdzic had broken away.

Assassinations and Disappearances

Already as Commissioner Bildt arrived to take up his seat, signs of the more sinister side of American power had appeared; several Arab officers, including Abul-Maali, were murdered. The first known case of disappearance had also occurred, when an Egyptian ideologue called Talaat Qassemi, who had some informal links with some Arab fighters, was abducted in Croatia.

Growing Suspicion of Muslim Volunteers

The United States might not have been as unhelpful as several European states, but though it was less indiscriminate its mounting antipathy to “Islamic fundamentalism” was a rare point of agreement with Milosevic. Though Izetbegovic would do his best to shield them, foreign Muslim volunteers would come under an increasing American and European cloud over the years.

Milosevic’s Kosovo Pivot and a Forgotten Lesson

As for Milosevic, the results of the Dayton Accord were satisfactory enough for him that he turned on his original target of choice, the (similarly largely Muslim) Albanians of Kosovo. It was here that he would overstep, giving Washington a pretext to finish him. But it was a shame that it took thousands of Bosnian lives to hammer home the lesson that bigotry, ethnic cleansing, and genocide should not be rewarded. Unfortunately, the lesson is once more forgotten today.

Check back for part 2: Continued relevance of the Bosnia war in today’s climate of hate.

Related Posts:

Rising To The Moment: What Muslim American Activists Of Today Can Learn From Successful Community Movements During The Bosnian Genocide

Oped: The Treachery Of Spreading Bosnia Genocide Denial In The Muslim Community

 

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The New York mayoral candidate has piqued the interest of South Asian Americans and Muslims – not only because of his identity, but his platform, too

Zohran Mamdani’s victory in New York City’s Democratic primary for mayor has a group of Pakistani American aunties and uncles so excited that they are wondering if they should have given their own children more freedom in choosing their careers. “What if we let our kids become politicians, and not just doctors and engineers?” a member of the grassroots political organizing group, DRUM Beats, asked at a small celebration held at an Islamic school last month in south Brooklyn.

DRUM Beats, which represents New York City’s working class South Asian and Indo-Caribbean populations, was one of the first grassroots groups to endorse Mamdani, when he launched his campaign in October – long before he became a household name. More than 300 volunteers, who spoke near a dozen languages, knocked on at least 10,000 doors to support him. DRUM Beats says these efforts helped increase voter turnout by almost 90% among Indo Caribbean and South Asians in some neighborhoods.

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Diane Abbott, 2010

Diane Abbott, Britain’s longest-serving woman MP, was yesterday suspended from the Labour party after a BBC Radio 4 interview in which she reiterated remarks she made in a letter to the Observer in 2023, for which she was suspended at the time (though later allowed to defend her east London seat as a Labour candidate, and won) about the racism experienced by white minorities, specifically mentioning Irish, Jews, Gypsies and Travellers, compared to that experienced by Black and Asian people who can easily be identified by their skin colour which the aforementioned minorities could not. This week an interview with the Radio 4 presenter James Naughtie, recorded in May, was broadcast in which she reiterated the point she had made in her original letter to the Observer: that racism against people identifiable by skin colour was just not the same as against those who aren’t, and it is just silly to pretend otherwise. (The interview can be listened to on BBC Sounds here.) Ava Vidal wrote a response to the controversy for the Independent. What Diane Abbott said in both this interview and in her original letter has been the standard view of anti-racist activists for decades, and many Black and Asian listeners will think her observations were self-evident, but the sticking point with her list of groups which aren’t oppressed quite like Black people is that includes Travellers, who are one of the country’s most openly despised minorities.

Admittedly, a Traveller can be walking down a street which is far from any Travellers’ site, or a location where there is a dispute over a Travellers’ site, and not be recognised as such. However, Travellers face intense resistance when seeking to establish new sites as well as legal and political efforts to remove them, and as research by Katherine Quarmby notes, Travellers’ sites are often in “risky and unhealthy” locations, nearly always within 500 metres of a major road, railway line, canal, sewage or refuse plant or industrial estate (more than half were within 100 metres), and often these sites are miles away from amenities such as schools and clinics. Intersecting the Traveller and Irish experiences, only last year the holiday camp chain Pontin’s were found to have discriminated racially by blacklisting a number of Irish surnames, such as Boyle and Gallagher, on the basis that they were common surnames of “undesirable guests”, and telling call centre staff to refuse or cancel bookings on the basis that a guest had an Irish accent (see these tweets from Caoilfhionn Gallagher KC from last year — KC, for my overseas readers, means King’s Counsel or a senior lawyer). People use anti-Traveller slurs, or thin euphemisms such as “do-as-you-likeys”, quite openly in a way they would not use more ‘traditional’ racial slurs against Black and Asian people.

Speaking as someone of Irish descent on my mother’s side (not with one of the surnames on the “undesirable guest” list), I can honestly say I’ve never experienced anything close to racial abuse. I’m white, and I speak with an English accent, as does everyone related to me on my mother’s side of her generation. By the 80s when I was growing up, people of Irish background had anglicised, and although still Catholic (and often more practising than they are now), were not particularly Irish by culture. Actual Irish people did experience discrimination, and suspicion of association with the IRA, during the early years of the Troubles in the late 60s and early 70s. There is still prejudice against Jews and violent, organised antisemitism on the Far Right and James Naughtie mentioned to Abbott that synagogues usually have guards to protect worshippers from violence. However, the majority of claims of antisemitism that blighted the Labour party in the five years of Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership had nothing to do with violence, discrimination, slurs or anything else that would be recognised as racism if it concerned any other group; it was about intemperate speech on Israel (at a time when their oppression of Palestinians in the West Bank was ratcheting up) and criticism of individual Jews which fitted a list of so-called “antisemitic tropes”, frequently strained through the needle’s eye to justify an accusation. While there are Jewish dissenters who openly criticise or condemn Israel’s actions, the mainstream Jewish representative bodies are openly aligned with Israel and openly cheer on its genocide while denying that one is taking place. Such accusations were commonly levelled at Black and Asian Labour activists during the Corbyn years.

Labour’s policy on racism appears to be a convenient mishmash of different doctrines around racism. On antisemitism, they demand we accept Jewish definitions, despite the ample history of false claims levelled in response to justified criticism of Israeli actions; they fail to uphold this standard when it comes to anti-Black and anti-Asian racism. Anti-racism activism has traditionally held that racism is not prejudice alone but prejudice combined with power. This is significant, because plenty of Black people can tell stories of Black children being punished for shouting back “honky” or “white pig” at groups of racist white bullies who themselves went unpunished, or who turned on the tears and got sympathy from a teacher. Labour only seem to be quick to deal with perceived racism on the recipients’ terms when the recipients are the one minority which is more likely to be white and middle-class, and many of the loudest voices in accusing all and sundry of ‘antisemitism’ are anglicised white Jews. Whether Starmer’s reaction to Diane Abbott’s interview is yet another cave-in to that racist mob or yet another example of his authoritarian behaviour as leader, exiling Abbott because she is a relapsed heretic, is debatable. As was the case at the last election, if her health permits, she could easily win her seat with or without Labour’s blessing at the next election, much as Corbyn could. However, while it is not antisemitic to say that Jews are not principal victims of racism or oppression in modern Britain and have not been for decades — it’s fact — her principal injury is to the Traveller community whose oppression she belittles just because it is not exactly like what Black people experience. It says much about official attitudes to that community that this injury goes unnoticed in this whole debate.

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900 Palestinians killed by live fire, suffocation or stampedes at US-Israeli “aid” sites in seven weeks.

Conversations show that everyone in Gaza is struggling.

Teenager thought killed survived four days under rubble. Her immediate family did not.

Islamophobic attacks on Zohran Mamdani are a reminder of the difference between individual and structural prejudice

My only interaction with the FBI came soon after 11 September 2001. A man and woman visited my family’s home in Philadelphia – we had recently moved from Palestine – showed their credentials and asked to enter. My parents invited them in and a conversation about political views followed. They left soon afterwards but I knew we were suspect, and I understood why.

At the time, I was in high school. Two or three years later, one of my sisters, who wore the hijab then, was confronted by an elderly white man at a department store. “What’s the significance of the trash you’re wearing on your head?” he asked.

Ahmed Moor is a writer and fellow at the Foundation for Middle East Peace

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Introduction

Black Muslims in the United States are often referred to as “indigenous Muslims” (Love, 2017) who embody unique intersections of racial, religious, and national identities (Ahmed & Muhammad, 2019). This term highlights a long-standing and often overlooked presence of Black Muslims in the U.S., whose roots in American Islam predate many immigrant Muslim communities. Black Muslims have consistently shaped the religious, cultural, and political landscape of American Islam. Despite this historical significance, Black Muslims remain vastly underrepresented in educational research, particularly in higher education literature, where their student experiences are rarely examined. 

Although Black Muslims represent one of the largest racial groups practicing Islam in the U.S. (Schmidt, 2004), little is known about their educational realities, challenges, and resistance. Much of the existing research on Muslim students tends to focus on South Asian and Arab populations, often failing to account for how anti-Blackness operates alongside Islamophobia to shape educational experiences in distinct and compounding ways. As a result, the needs, identities, and insights of Black Muslim students are frequently overlooked in institutional responses to inclusion.

This article draws on existing literature to explore how systemic anti-Blackness and Islamophobia shape the lives of Black Muslim students, while simultaneously highlighting how they resist these forces through religious identity, cultural affirmation, and educational aspiration. In doing so, this work aims to challenge the erasure of Black Muslim voices in academic research and to contribute to a broader understanding of how race and religion intersect within the educational experiences of minoritized students. Centering Black Muslim students is not only necessary to address an ongoing gap in the literature, but also critical for building more just and inclusive educational environments where their histories and identities are affirmed.

Historical and Sociopolitical Context

To understand the present-day experiences of Black Muslim students, it is essential to first consider the historical and sociopolitical foundations of their identities. The positioning of Black Muslims in the United States must be understood through the legacy of white supremacy and racial exclusion. Auston (2017) argues that the practice of Islam in the United States has long been shaped by racial hierarchies rooted in anti-Black racism. For Black American Muslims, Islam has historically served as a vehicle for resisting structural violence, segregation, and racial inequality. 

The emergence of the Nation of Islam (NOI) during the Jim Crow era is a prime example. As Akom (2003) details, the NOI developed in response to racist policies and environments that excluded Black communities. Within such contexts, Islam became both a spiritual and sociopolitical force shaped by resistance. In an ethnographic study with high school students affiliated with the NOI, Akom (2003) found that these students developed a “Black achievement ideology,” allowing them to excel academically while resisting school norms that clashed with their religious and racial values. Their resistance manifested through peer support, cultural pride, and redefining success on their own terms. Although the NOI’s theological framework differs from Sunni or Shi’a traditions, its significance lies in how it historically enabled Black students to maintain their identities within oppressive educational systems.

“Black Muslim students navigate educational spaces that are often hostile to both their racial and religious identities.” [PC: Wadi Lissa (unsplash)]

Despite the richness of Black Muslim contributions to American Islam and social justice movements, their experiences within education remain largely overlooked. Ahmed and Muhammad (2019) and Rahman (2021) both note that very few studies have focused on Black Muslim students, particularly at the collegiate level. This underrepresentation stems from an anti-Black perspective that fails to take seriously the contributions and experiences of Black Muslims (Rahman, 2021). 

Cole et al. (2020) emphasize the importance of understanding students’ multiple identities, especially those shaped by intersecting systems of race and religion. As such, analyzing Black Muslim student experiences requires an intersectional approach that can capture the compounding effects of multiple forms of oppression. For Black Muslim students, their marginalization is compounded by an entanglement of anti-Blackness and Islamophobia that demands an intersectional lens. Their marginalization is not only compounded by racism and Islamophobia, but also by the lack of recognition and support for their unique religious practices and cultural expressions within academic spaces (Auston, 2017).

Intersectionality and Compounding Marginalization

This intersectional framework helps us better understand how Black Muslim students navigate educational institutions that are often ill-equipped to support either aspect of their identity. Black Muslim students navigate educational spaces that are often hostile to both their racial and religious identities. Auston (2017) underscores how the dual stigma of being Black and non-Christian in a predominantly white, Christian-majority society places Black Muslims at a unique disadvantage. She mentions how “current manifestations of Black Muslim engagement with the unique intersectional impacts of marginalization arising out of the combination of being Black and non-Christian…is cumulative. To a large extent, Black American Islam has always been about the struggle for racial equality and religious freedom, shaped by the intersectional concerns necessitated by the fight on multiple fronts against state power, anti-Blackness, and entrenched White supremacy” (p. 20). Unlike their South Asian or Arab counterparts, whose experiences with Islamophobia may be racialized differently, Black Muslims face a historically entrenched anti-Black racism that predates and shapes their religious marginalization.

Ahmed and Muhammad (2019) further demonstrate how Black Muslim youth actively challenge these overlapping oppressions through spiritual grounding, community involvement, and cultural affirmation. These youth are not passive recipients of discrimination, but rather active agents who resist and reframe their realities.

Resistance and Black Muslim Brilliance

This active resistance forms the basis of what Rahman (2021) terms “Black Muslim brilliance,” a framework that reframes student agency and excellence through cultural and religious affirmation. A central theme across the limited but growing scholarship on Black Muslim youth is their strategic resistance to systemic marginalization. Rahman (2021) explores how Black Muslim students often opt out of U.S. educational systems entirely in favor of international or faith-based educational spaces. Drawing from an ethnographic study across Senegal and several U.S. cities, Rahman (2021) found that youth sought environments where Islamophobia and anti-Blackness were less pervasive. These spaces allowed students to nurture their spiritual and intellectual growth in affirming ways.

Rahman (2021) articulates the concept of “Black Muslim brilliance,” describing how these youth harness education as a tool for both personal empowerment and community uplift. She mentions how educational opportunities provided in faith-based settings often instill within students a commitment to addressing the social issues that impact Black communities. This brilliance is not defined solely by academics, but by a comprehensive growth grounded in justice, communal responsibility, and a strong sense of identity.

Similarly, Akom’s (2003) study of NOI students shows how alternative frameworks of success rooted in Black pride, religious commitment, and cultural resistance can produce academically successful students who do not conform to dominant educational norms. These examples suggest that Black Muslim youth are not struggling due to a lack of ability or aspiration, but rather due to structural barriers that deny the legitimacy of their identities.

To fully grasp the complexity of Black Muslim student experiences, it is important to distinguish them from those of other Muslim groups in the U.S. While Islamophobia impacts all visibly Muslim groups in the U.S., the experiences of Black Muslims are distinct due to the historic and ongoing realities of anti-Blackness. Auston (2017) argues that Black Muslim identities are forged in struggle, whether that is against slavery, segregation, mass incarceration, or religious exclusion. The convergence of racialized Islamophobia with entrenched anti-Black racism renders their experiences different from those of other Muslim groups. Recognizing this distinction is crucial in creating institutional responses that address the specific needs of Black Muslim students.

Conclusion

Black Muslim students occupy a liminal space at the intersection of race and religion, where both anti-Blackness and Islamophobia shape their educational experiences. They navigate an educational landscape that often fails to recognize and validate their intersecting identities. The historical and sociopolitical context of anti-Blackness and Islamophobia is crucial in understanding how Black Muslim students experience marginalization, but it is equally important to highlight their transformative responses to these challenges. 

Black Muslim students’ educational journeys are deeply shaped by their struggles against both racism and religious exclusion. However, their agency offers us crucial insights into how education can and should be transformed to truly affirm the identities and aspirations of all students. From resistance strategies in school to international educational pursuits, Black Muslims continually seek and create spaces that affirm their identities and values. To address the systemic inequities they face, both educational institutions and scholars must recognize their unique experiences and challenges and take meaningful action to create an inclusive, supportive, and just educational landscape. Educational institutions and scholars must begin to take seriously the voices and needs of Black Muslim students as central figures in the ongoing struggle for equity, belonging, and justice in education.

***

References

Ahmed, S. & Muhammad, H. (2019). Black American Muslim youth: Navigating environments, engaging new pathways. In Political Muslims: Understanding Resistance in a Global Context, 23-51.

Akom, A. A. (2003). Reexamining resistance as oppositional behavior: the Nation of Islam and the creation of a black achievement ideology. Sociology of Education, 76, 305-325.

Auston, D. (2017). Prayer, protest, and police brutality: Black Muslim spiritual resistance in the Ferguson era. Transforming Anthropology, 25(1), 11-22.

Cole, D., Hypolite, L., & Atashi, A. (2020). Black Muslims. In Islamophobia in Higher Education: Combating Discrimination and Creating Understanding. Sterling, VA: Stylus Publishing.

Love, E. (2017). Islamophobia and Racism in America. NYU Press.

Rahman, S. (2021). Black Muslim brilliance: Confronting antiblackness and Islamophobia through transnational educational migration. Curriculum Inquiry, 51(1), 57-74.

Schmidt, G. (2004). Islam in Urban America: Sunni Muslims in Chicago. Temple University Press.

 

Related:

– The Black Muslim Experience In K-12 Education

– Top 10 Books On Black Muslim History

 

The post Faith, Identity, And Resistance Among Black Muslim Students appeared first on MuslimMatters.org.

Cryptocurrency is Deek’s last chance to succeed in life, and he will not stop, no matter what.

Previous Chapters: Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11

“This world is a prison for the believer and a paradise for the unbeliever.” — Prophet Muḥammad ﷺ (Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī)

Li Huangfeng

Deek made calls to various crypto asset management firms in Los Angeles and San Francisco. One, “Blockchain Asset Management!” in San Francisco – BAM! for short – showed immediate interest and enthusiasm, connecting Deek to a manager named Li Huangfeng, who asked for screenshots of Deek’s wallets, showing his balances.

Hearing the Chinese name, Deek smiled and let his shoulders relax. The Chinese were giant players in the crypto world. Deek knew it was silly to stereotype that way, yet he felt irrationally safe in Huangfeng’s hands.

Also, he liked Huangfeng’s direct approach. He sent screenshots showing a crypto portfolio worth $50 million, and told Huangfeng that there was more in other wallets. Without hesitation, Huangfeng booked Deek a first class plane ticket to San Francisco, and promised to have a driver waiting to pick him up. Deek loved the respect and pampering that Huangfeng was giving him.

Parallel Worlds

On the third day since checking into the hotel, he went to the airport wearing one of his new tailored suits. It was dark gray, made of a microfiber that was durable yet as soft as silk. With it, he wore red leather shoes and a crimson red dress shirt open at the neck, with no tie, and with a three day growth of rough beard, all because what the hell, he could wear whatever he wanted and look how he wanted. He was the man here, he was the star of the moment.

With him he had a leather satchel he’d purchased at the hotel shop, a handful of Marco Polo envelopes, a notepad and pen, and a sandwich from the hotel kitchen, to eat on the plane.

The sandwich turned out to be unnecessary. He’d never flown first class before, and it was a trip. The seat was wide and comfortable. As soon as he sat, the attendant brought him a glass of apple nectar. In the air, he was given a hot towel to clean his hands, and then a hearty lunch consisting of an albacore tuna sandwich with cream cheese and sprouts.

Instead of making him happy, however, the experience left him feeling sad. Only a few rows behind him, people were making do with peanuts and diet Pepsi. It was as if there were two parallel worlds. In one, people with money were treated with kindness and respect, without regard to their character. In the other, people who were just as worthy, and maybe more so, were given scraps.

Pre-Apocalyptic Scene

The driver who picked him up at the San Francisco airport introduced herself as November. She was a small, lean African-American woman with long braided hair and a hard-edged face. Her voice was clipped and professional. In spite of her small stature, she carried an air of extreme competence. Deek knew he would be safe with her, and that she was not someone he should mess with.

He hadn’t been to downtown San Francisco for a few years, and it seemed worse for wear. There were more homeless people, panhandlers and shuttered storefronts. Tourists wandered through this pre-apocalyptic scene looking confused, as if they had signed up for a grand cruise and found themselves on a rusting fishing boat.

Sitting in the large, climate-controlled towncar, peering through tinted windows at the passing streets, Deek saw a thin young woman with two children – one of them a baby – and a dog, sitting on the filthy sidewalk. All looked ragged and hungry, and as beaten down as sheets of tin. On a piece of cardboard, the woman had scrawled, “Tried everything.”

The message touched Deek. He knew exactly the feeling. He’d been there, hopeless and out of ideas. If not for Rania supporting him, he might have been in the same position as this woman.

“Stop the car, please,” he said.

“Affirmative, copy that.” Without hesitation, November stopped the car, even as traffic began honking and backing up behind them.

“Give me a minute.” Deek exited the car and approached the woman. In spite of it being a summer day, the street was shaded by the tall buildings on either side, and a cold wind whipped down the steel and glass gully. The sidewalk smelled of urine. He stood looking at the woman for a moment. Her clothing and person, and those of the children, were clean. But they were all fencepost-thin, and the woman’s eyes looked as tired as if she’d been rowing against the current on the Mississippi River for a hundred years, seeing grand yachts churn past, none of them caring to throw her a line.

Fifty story skyscrapers, corporations worth billions, and families living on the street. So much for the greatest nation on earth. Thinking this, Deek realized that he was criticizing himself in a way. He was rich now. For him to make money, someone else had lost it. He was the one percent. He was part of the leech class.

“Take a picture,” the woman said bitterly. “It’ll last longer.”

The Idea of a Feeling

Deek took out his wallet and removed all the cash he had left from the $5,000 he’d transferred to his bank account. It was about $2,200. He gave the entire sum to the homeless woman. She gasped, her mouth wide but eyes narrowed in suspicion, and said, “What do you want?”

“Nothing. Take it.” When she made no move to take the money, Deek took a blue handkerchief from his pocket. It was superfine cotton, made in Germany. He wrapped the money in it, then set it on the sidewalk before her.

He hustled back to the car. As they pulled away, he saw that the woman had taken the money and was getting up with her kids, off to buy food perhaps.

“Most of my protectees don’t do things like that,” November said, and her voice was softer than it had been previously.

Deek made no reply. It felt good, giving away that money, but again, the emotion was dulled, like the idea of a feeling rather than the real thing. Now he found himself remembering what Zaid had said about donating money to help the people of Gaza. He also thought about his friend Marco, living in a broken down SRO, and his sister and her family, who always struggled financially. He took out his phone and began to tap out a message to Marco, then paused. He took a deep breath, and deleted the text. All in due time.

I Could Just Wait

At Market and Seventh, a man ran into traffic. He wore ragged jeans, with no shoes or shirt, and a canvas bag on a strap around one shoulder. His red hair was long and partially matted. November hit the brakes, but was unable to prevent giving the man a gentle tap with the front bumper. Enraged, the man screamed, drew a bicycle u-lock from his bag, and smashed it into the towncar’s front hood, denting it.

“Ya Allah!” Deek exclaimed. He gripped the seat, wondering what he should do, if anything. Yet November sat calmly, not even honking the horn. Once again, the man yelled something unintelligible and struck the car.

“You’re not going to do anything?” Deek demanded, wondering if this was a cowardly question. After all, he was twice the driver’s size.

“Negative. I mean, I could,” November admitted. “He’s probably homeless and mentally ill. But yes, I could neutralize him in two seconds and hold him for law enforcement. If they incarcerate him, which is not certain, he’ll likely be beaten by other inmates, and by the time he gets out, he’ll have lost his meager stash of possessions, wherever they are. Meanwhile, you’ll be late for your meeting. Or I could wait for him to get distracted by the next thing and wander off.”

“Oh. Okay.” Deek relaxed, and within a few seconds, as November predicted, the homeless man continued on his way, as did November and Deek.

“You’re a good person,” Deek commented.

“I’m following your example, brother.”

This made Deek smile. “Do you talk to all your clients this way?”

“Negative. Most of my protectees are rich, calloused VIPs with zero empathy. I hear their conversations. They don’t even know that the poor exist, and if they do, they blame them for their own plight. You’re different. I mean, you must be rich too, or you wouldn’t be meeting with my boss, but you have a soft heart, and I mean that as a compliment. Don’t lose that quality.”

This touched Deek, yet made him feel sad at the same time for reasons he could not articulate. “Thank you,” he said.

Chinese Food

Fifteen minutes later, he found himself sitting at a huge marble table in a conference room on the fortieth floor of a San Francisco skyscraper, with stunning views of the undulating urban hills of San Francisco. He could see the Golden Gate Bridge in the distance, and the steel blue Pacific stretching away like a promise and a warning of things to come. The room was chilly, with a faint scent of lime cleaner.

Across from him sat Li Huangfeng, who was younger than Deek expected, along with a broad-shouldered, 60ish African-American man in a cream seersucker suit. The man looked as smooth and hard as black marble. He introduced himself as Henry Turner, founder and CEO of BAM!.

“I wanted to reassure you,” Turner said, “that Li is one of my best and brightest. You are in good hands with him. Whatever you need, give the word and BAM! We’ll make it happen. If you need cash in exchange for crypto, we can supply as much as a million dollars right now, for a fee of two percent.”

Turner went on to explain all the services his company offered, and ended with. When he concluded, he shook Deek’s hand with an iron grip and departed.

“Alright!” Li said cheerfully. “You hungry? How about if we order Chinese food and get to work? I know absolutely the best Chinese restaurant in town.”

Deek massaged his hand. Turner had practically crushed it. “Sure,” he muttered. “Chinese sounds great.”

They got to work. The food – sautéed garlic green beans, crispy tofu, lemon pepper fish, and bean dumplings – was indeed delicious.

Milestone Investments

Li Huangfeng did several things for Deek, and probably earned himself a small fortune in commissions in the process.

First, he offered Deek any one of a variety of “seasoned” offshore corporations based in the Turks and the Caicos, a Caribbean island that Deek had not heard of but apparently was a popular offshore banking haven. Some of these corporations already owned considerable assets. Deek chose a corporation called Milestone Investments that owned fifteen Victorian-style homes in San Francisco, some of which contained multiple apartments, and which collectively earned $170,000 per month in rent.

For this, Deek paid twenty-two million dollars, which was a massive investment and a fifth of his net worth, but it guaranteed that no matter what might happen with the cryptocurrency market, he would own real-world, income-earning assets, inshaAllah. The houses were handled by a real estate management firm. Deek didn’t have to do anything at all.

After this deal was made, Deek wandered to the window. He could see water in three directions, and the paved arteries of this great city, rising and falling with the terrain. From here, one could gain no glimpse of the misery on the street. He remembered November saying that most of the executives she drove didn’t know the poor existed.

Was that what it meant to be rich? To reside within an illusion, thinking it was real? To surround yourself with luxury, believing yourself a resident of Paradise, when in fact you were destined for Hell? To imagine you would live forever, while slowly dying inside and out?

Deek had just spent twenty-two million dollars as if he were buying a couple of movie tickets. How many lives could he save with that much money? He shook his head, not knowing the answers to these questions, and returned to the table to get back to work.

He was given a credit card and debit card, both in the name of Milestone Investments, as well as online access to the corporate account. Beyond the $22 million purchase price, he deposited another $10 million worth of crypto into the account, then swapped the crypto for Euros.

Next, Li helped him set up a trust fund that would automatically send $30,000 per month to Rania’s bank account, $7,000 per month to Sanaya’s account, and $3K to Amira’s account, which would increase to $7K once she turned 18. He could have sent the girls much more, of course, but he didn’t believe they were mentally and emotionally prepared for great wealth.

Halliburton Zero

He smiled, imagining the girls’ reactions. At the same time, he felt his soul quiver with doubt. What if the girls got carried away? What if they used the money to party or spend recklessly? He swallowed hard, then brought his attention back to Li.

Next, not wanting to wait until the first of next month, he logged into his new offshore account and initiated an immediate transfer of $100,000 to Rania’s bank account.

Lastly, he accepted BAM!’s offer to convert $1 million worth of crypto into cash on the spot, and actually convinced Turner to increase it to $1.5 million.

Four hours after they had begun, they were finished. On impulse, Deek hugged Huangfeng, who exclaimed, “Oh – okay!” Turner came in and extended his hand for a shake, but Deek – fearing the man might actually break his bones this time – said, “BAM!” and gave Turner a fistbump.

When he walked out, he carried a Halliburton Zero briefcase with a million and a half dollars in fifty and hundred-dollar bills. It was heavy in his hand, and he felt like everyone he passed in the hallways and the elevator was looking at him.

He had a long day ahead of him. By the time the day was done, he intended to give away the entire million and a half.

Deek wasn’t about to fly back to Fresno carrying a million and a half dollars in a briefcase. He considered renting a car, but November insisted that she was at his exclusive disposal and would drive him all the way back to Fresno.

Monroe “November” Evans

Traffic was heavy on the 580 out of the Bay Area, but once they hit the long, empty stretch of Interstate 5, November said, “I could play music or an audiobook, or we could converse.”

“Tell me then,” Deek replied. “Is November your real name?”

“Real name’s Monroe Evans.”

She glanced at him in the rearview mirror, and their eyes met. He noticed for the first time that her eyes were not black, but a lovely golden brown, like morning sun shining on a redwood tree. On top of that, she was fit, beautiful, and smart. A man could fall for a woman like that. But, Deek reminded himself, he already had a wife that he loved. He averted his gaze and watched the orange groves slipping by outside the window.

“So? Where did November come from? You don’t seem particularly cold-hearted.”

The driver laughed. “You’d be surprised. It was a bone-cold November in Japan six years ago. Gets so cold you wonder if your blood is flowing; shivering in your bunk with all your clothes on, fantasizing about Hawaii. I was a Marine Corps executive protection specialist. Not an obvious choice for someone of my stature, but I was a Division One championship wrestler and Jiu-Jitsu black belt, as well as an excellent marksman. We protected generals, politicians, and even Japanese VIPs.”

Even as the woman spoke, Deek noticed her eyes never stopped moving. Rearview mirror, side mirrors, back to the road. Check the time. A glance at Deek.

“One day,” November went on, “we’re guarding a high-level summit. The summit comes under attack by a dozen North Korean agents. Let me tell you, those North Koreans are death cultists. Long story short, I ran out of ammo, dropped into hand-to-hand, broke one attacker’s neck, and when the other stabbed me, I took the knife out and cut his throat. Later, one of my mates said, ‘I don’t know what’s scarier, November in Japan, or you.’ Guys started calling me November, and it stuck.”

Honor is Huge

Deek grunted. “You remind me of someone.”

“Someone bad, I suppose.”

“On the contrary. The best man I know. A hero.” He wanted to add, He saved my life last week, but Zaid had told him not to talk about what happened, and he knew that was wise.

“I’ll take that as a compliment.”

“Affirmative.” Deek caught Evans’ gaze in the rear-view mirror and grinned.

“What about you?” Monroe “November” Evans asked. What’s your story?”

Deek told her his whole story, then added, “That hero I told you about? He thinks I should return to my family.”

“I get it,” November said. “It’s not easy. She betrayed you in spirit, if not deed. And she demeaned you. You’re an Arab. Honor is huge in your culture. Such things are not easily forgiven.”

“Yes! Thank you.” How strange that this African-American soldier understood him better than anyone else.

Forgive and Be Forgiven

“But I’ve also read a bit about your religion. I’m interested in world religions – after all I’ve seen, I feel like there has to be something greater than the muck and barbarity of this world – so correct me if I’m wrong, but Islam emphasizes forgiveness, does it not? Forgive others and be forgiven by God. That kind of thing.”

Deek nodded but only said, “Yeah. You’re right.”

“I’ll tell you something else. I’m from South Carolina. My grandmother was active in the women’s rights movement back when a thing like that could get a Southern black woman killed. She used to say, ‘Lift as you climb.’”

Deek glanced at November’s profile in the mirror. “What does that mean?”

“It means that as you progress in life, as you climb the ladder, you bring your people with you. You don’t leave them behind. You lift them up along with you.”

Deek grunted. “I was always going to do that.” He fell silent, and November let him be. She connected her phone to the car’s speakers, and the car filled with the sound of Bob Marley crooning, “Could you be loved…”

To Deek’s right, a shallow mountain range separated the Central Valley from the coast. To his left, vast orange groves carpeted the low hills. Beyond them, the land fell into the fertility of the valley. The orange farms went on for mile after mile, representing tremendous wealth, but wealth of a different kind – the kind that proceeded directly from Allah.

As soon as this thought formulated in Deek’s brain, he realized it was silly, for all treasure was a trust and a test from Allah, whether an orange, a crypto token that existed only as the figment of a computer’s binary imagination, or a child who never stopped loving you.

He let his mind drift, thinking about the ways he could have been a better brother to Lubna, a better friend to Marco, and a better husband and father. His eyelids grew heavy, and soon he found himself in a land where time, distance, and the limitations of human perception had no meaning.

***

 

[Part 13 will be published next week inshaAllah]

 

Reader comments and constructive criticism are important to me, so please comment!

See the Story Index for Wael Abdelgawad’s other stories on this website.

Wael Abdelgawad’s novels – including Pieces of a Dream, The Repeaters and Zaid Karim Private Investigator – are available in ebook and print form on his author page at Amazon.com.

 

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The post Moonshot [Part 12] – November Evans appeared first on MuslimMatters.org.

Muharram: A Time of Reflection and Reaffirmation

The month of Muharram is the first month of the Islamic calendar, it is one of the four sacred months mentioned in the Qur’an [Surah At-Tawbah, 9:36]. This month holds deep historical and spiritual significance for Muslims. It is a time when warfare is prohibited; a time of reflection, and a time of reaffirmation of some of the core Islamic values and principles that Islam has been founded upon, such as faith, perseverance, sacrifice, and moral courage.

The 10th of Muharram, known as ‘Ashura or Yawm ‘Ashura, holds deep spiritual and historical significance for Muslims today. Among the many events associated with this day, two stand out as monumental signs of Allah’s Mercy and Power: the deliverance of Prophet Musa and his followers from Pharaoh, and the safe landing of Prophet Nuh’s Ark on Mount Judi.

Another deeply saddening event that occurred on ‘Ashura was indeed the horrendous massacre of Hussein, the beloved grandson of the Prophet Muhammad , who was martyred in Karbala while standing for justice and truth. These narratives are not mere historical occurrences, but are intricately woven with profound lessons that resonate with Muslims today.

Let’s look at four of the most important lessons of ‘Ashura:

1. Trust in Allah

Trust in Allah during times of trials and tribulations is demonstrated when, on the day of ‘Ashura Allah saved Prophet Musa and his followers from the oppression and tyranny of Pharaoh. It was an extremely daunting moment for the followers of Prophet Musa , as they stood at the Red Sea, with the menacing army of Pharaoh relentless in pursuing them. However, Prophet Musa had his complete and unwavering trust in his Lord. He affirmed:

“Indeed, with me is my Lord; He will guide me.” [Surah Ash-Shu’ara; 26:62]

 

At that moment, a miraculous event unfolded as the sea was divided, allowing Prophet Musa and his followers to cross over, while Pharaoh and his army were drowned in the depths of the waters. Muslims today face many forms of oppression—be it political, social, or personal. The story of Prophet Musa teaches us that even in the darkest moments, faith and patience can lead to relief and victory.

When injustice seems insurmountable, as Muslims, we are reminded that Allah is in control, and He comes to the aid of those who place their trust in Him alone.

2. Perseverance in the Face of Rejection

Persevering in the face of rejection is the key lesson derived from the life of Prophet Nuh . On the same blessed day of ‘Ashura, it is believed that Prophet Nuh’s Ark came to rest upon Mount Judi, marking the conclusion of the Great Flood. After enduring centuries of ardent preaching and relentless rejection from his people, Prophet Nuh was commanded by His Lord to construct an Ark; which would be a sanctuary for the righteous. As he embarked on the monumental task of building this vessel in the heart of the desert, his people mocked him; however, he remained resolute and firm.

The Qur’an describes the event as follows:

“And it was said, ‘O earth! Swallow up your water. And O sky! Withhold [your rain].’ The floodwater receded and the decree was carried out. The Ark rested on Mount Judi, and it was said, ‘Away with the wrongdoing people!’” [Surah Hud; 11:44]

Prophet Nuh’s story is a testament to steadfastness and endurance. In a world increasingly moving away from moral and spiritual values, Muslims are reminded to remain committed to truth and righteousness, even when they feel isolated or mocked. Like Prophet Nuh , it is important to always conduct oneself with integrity and uphold ethical principles, even when such actions may conflict with the prevailing societal norms.

3. The Martyrdom of Hussein

The city of Kufa, Iraq, today.

Hasan and Hussein were the grandsons of Prophet Muhammad . He loved them immensely. Ibn ‘Umar said: ‘I heard the Prophet say, ‘They are my two sweet-basils in the world.’” [Sahih Bukhari].

‘Ashura is also the day when the poignant martyrdom of Hussein took place, a day characterised by profound brutality. During the reign of Yazid, the son of Mu’awiya, the Muslim community was deeply fragmented, and the people of Kufa wanted Hussein to be their leader. They inundated him with letters while he was in Makkah, pledging their unwavering allegiance should he accept to be their leader. Hussein decided to accept the pleas of the people of Kufa and embarked upon his journey towards the city.

Sadly, by the time he reached Kufa, the people had betrayed him. A myriad of circumstances culminated in a harrowing and unjust battle, in which the martyrdom of Hussein , the beloved grandson of Prophet Muhammad , took place.

To make matters worse, he was beheaded and his head was desecrated with a stick in a vile and mocking manner by Ubayd Allah ibn Ziyad, a general and governor of the Umayyad Caliphate, who was also the mastermind of the wicked campaign of Karbala. This was a barbaric and heart-rending act of profound disrespect towards Hussein , who hailed from the noble lineage of the Prophet and who was deeply cherished by him and whom he affectionately referred to as one of his “two sweet basils in the world.”

Defiance of Tyranny

The triumph of Hussein in this instance was not a worldly victory, but rather a resounding affirmation in the Hereafter. His success is manifested in the form of martyrdom, serving as a testament to the invincible, steadfast faith amidst the onslaught of tyranny. It illustrates the exquisite beauty of perceiving life as a dual existence – impermanent material world and the eternal world of Paradise. This is elucidated in the Qur’an:

“Never say that those martyred in the cause of Allah are dead—in fact, they are alive! But you do not perceive it.” [Surah Al-Baqarah; 2:154]

As well as in the Prophetic hadith:

“Verily, the souls of martyrs are in green birds, hanging from the fruits of Paradise, or the trees of Paradise.” [al-Tirmidhi]

Hussein is respected as one of the most esteemed members of the Prophet’s lineage. His unshakeable patience and steadfastness in the face of oppression serve as exemplary models for all Muslims. The tragedy of Karbala is deeply rooted in moral and spiritual significance, teaching Muslims the paramount importance of upholding justice in all circumstances.

Today, truthfulness is frequently sacrificed for the sake of power or fear; however, the lessons derived from Karbala serve as a reminder that faith devoid of action and principles devoid of sacrifice, are meaningless. Above all, principles and integrity will always champion righteousness over power.

4. Commemorate ‘Ashura by Fasting

The best way to commemorate ‘Ashura is by following the example of the Prophet , and this is through fasting on the 10th of Muharram. The Prophet urged us to fast on this day to commemorate and celebrate the victory of Prophet Musa over Pharaoh. To differ from earlier practices, we may observe a fast either on the day preceding or following ‘Ashura.

Fasting on ‘Ashura is a means of expiation of the sins of the previous year. Prophet Muhammad said:

“Fasting on the day of Ashura, I hope, will expiate for the sins of the previous year.” [Muslim]

Faith and Patience

In conclusion, ‘Ashura is not just about reminiscing or mourning the past events – it is about embracing and living by the key moral principles extrapolated from these events. Whether reflecting on the salvation of Prophet Nuh , the victory of Prophet Musa , or the sacrifice of Imam Hussein , Muharram unites Muslims around a common theme: faith and patience in times of adversity.

“O you who have believed, seek help through patience and prayer. Indeed, Allah is with those who are patient.” [Surah Al-Baqarah; 2:153]

The Muslim Ummah today is plagued by disunity and a lack of leadership rooted in values. ‘Ashura serves as a powerful reminder for every Muslim to reaffirm our dedication to the tenets of truth, justice, patience, and gratitude. From Prophet Musa , we learn about the importance of placing our trust in Allah during adversity. Prophet Nuh’s life teaches us the virtue of perseverance in the face of challenges. From Hussein , we are inspired to embody resilience, uphold the truth, and make sacrifices in the pursuit of justice.

 

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The post From The Prophets To Karbala: The Timeless Lessons Of Ashura For Muslims Today appeared first on MuslimMatters.org.

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